Vivat Germania latina, Vivat Latinitas teutonica!

Outi Merisalo

The Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes at the Academia Aboensis in the Eighteenth Century



1. Introduction

In Sweden, autocratic rule had been abolished after the catastrophic wars of Charles XII, ended by the peace treaty of Uusikaupunki (Nystad) in 1721. During the Diet of 1726-27, on an ad hoc basis, the power had been passed on to the Estates thanks to the skillful maneuvering of Arvid Horn, President of the Chancery College. [1] The new régime was characterised by political parties (called Hats and Bonnets). The system, maybe best termed pre-parliamentary and most naturally to be compared with British parliamentarism, [2] was to remain in vigour until the coup d'état of Gustavus III in 1772. It saw an unprecedented civic activity and interest for political and social issues among the subjects of the realm of Sweden.

The society of the Kingdom of Sweden underwent some significant changes with the military-minded, neo-mercantilistic Hat party coming to power in 1738-1739. The government aimed at controlling the whole society, both economically and intellectually. An attempt at regaining the military glory of earlier times, the Hats' war (1741-1743) against Russia led to new territorial losses, with an important chunk of South-Eastern Finland, up to river Kymi, ceded to the enemy. In the intellectual sphere the achievements of the Hats were more consistent. Their most important creation was the Royal Academy of Sciences (Kungl. Svenska Vetenskapsakademien), founded in 1739, on the model of the Royal Society. As in other countries, the Swedish Royal Academy represented economics, technics and applied sciences, constituting thus a counterweight to the universities. The use of the vulgar tongue was essential to the working principles of the Academy as well. [3]

Contrary to other countries, however, this late-founded Academy of Sciences could not realistically be expected to become the very centre of scholarly, especially scientific, activities of the realm. Consequently, efforts were made to modernise the curricula of the universities. As early as the Diet of 1738-1739, there had been demands to abolish the chair of Latin at the university of Uppsala and to found a chair of economy instead; in the end, the chair of Latin was preserved and the chair of economy set up at the Faculty of Law through abolishing the chair of Roman law. [4] The Academy of Turku had been targeted starting from 1737 by the Chancellor, Count E.J. Creutz (appointed by the Bonnet party in 1735), [5] who had concentrated on improving university teaching. In 1737 he had wanted to increase the number of teachers termed magistri docentes, to assist professors; after initial resistance, the reform was adopted by the faculty of Arts in1738. The Chancellor appointed five docents on 30 November 1738. [6] The merits of the new magistri docentes were carefully examined by the Consistorium, which was the difference between them and the earlier magistri docentes. [7]

In 1741, the Hat government created a chair of oeconomia publica at the university of Uppsala and appointed as professor a civil servant experienced in economic matters, Anders Berch. [8] Berch's statistical interests lead to the founding of the Tabellverket (the Statistical Authority) in 1748. The state Commission for Education, active from 1745 until 1750, As early as 1744 the government had asked the Academy of Turku for a statement on the re-organisation of academic curricula in order to better serve the Commonwealth. Further efforts were made to introduce the study of natural history into school curricula and consequently into university teaching [9] . The Commission for Education, founded in 1745 and consisting of Chancellor C.G. Tessin, Count Ekeblad and Gyllenborg, chancellor of Uppsala university, sought to line out a control policy for the schools and the universities [10] , basically wanting to transform the latter into polytechnics in order to form competent ministers, teachers, lawyers, administrators, doctors and officers [11] .

2. Classical studies at the Academia Aboensis in the eighteenth century

In the middle of the eighteenth century, the two significant figures in Classical philology at the Academia Aboensis were Henrik Hassel (1700-1776), professor of eloquence, and Carl Abraham Clewberg (1712-1765), professor of sacred languages, then of theology.

The Querelle is immediately or indirectly present in all of their scholarly activities. Comments on the subject must be gauged from the documentation engendered by them in the course of their academic career. Both men published very little themselves but were praesides (supervisors) for a considerable number of dissertationes pro exercitio (B.A.) and graduales (M.A.). Since it was common for seventeenth- and eighteenth-century professors to publish their own research under the name and at the expense of their students, the theses supervised by Hassel and Clewberg can be used to reconstruct their ideas in several fields [12] . Another important source for Hassel is the funeral speech delivered by his most famous pupil, Henrik Gabriel Porthan, in 1777. Clewberg's views on Classics can be gleaned from the Opinion of the Consistorium in 1754 (see below p. 00). In addition to these texts, interesting information is provided by the Indices (or Catalogi) praelectionum, preserved for almost the total duration of the careers of both men. These catalogues not only give the subjects treated but they often provide a motivation of the choice of the subject as well.

2. Eloquentiae professio, poeseos professio

Henrik Hassel was born as a minister's son in Åland archipelago (Finn. Ahvenanmaa) to the west of Finland in 1700 [13] . In 1714, during the Russian occupation of Finland (the so-called Great Hate), he was sent to Strängnäs in Sweden and enrolled at the famous Gymnasium of the town [14] . In 1718 he went to study at the University of Uppsala [15] . He graduated from the Academia Aboensis in 1726 with the thesis De usu et applicatione Historiae ad vitam civilem (praes. Daniel Juslenius and Algoth Scarin) [16] . In 1728, he obtained the chair of Eloquence at the same university [17] .

2.2. Hassel's teaching

Traditional eloquence was almost completely absent from the teaching of Hassel. Apart from a course in rhetoric based on Vossius (1728) [18] , one concerning Tacitus (1732) [19] and five concerning Suetonius (1735-1739) [20] , he concentrated on the moral dialogues of Cicero, especially De officiis. According to Hassel, this text was & argumenti dignitate conspicuum, & medio ac temperato orationis genere commendatissimum, adeoqve studiosae Juventuti convenientissimum [21] ; it was the first one in a cycle that was repeated several times from the 1740s until the 1760s which included De amicitia, De senectute, Somnium Scipionis and the Paradoxa. Porthan provides information on the contents of the lectures: Hassel stressed the fact that history, with the causes and consequences of the events, was an excellent magistra vitae, and he managed to keep up the interest of his public [22] .

Hassel was probably responsible for the definition of the contents of his teaching in the reply of the consistorium maius to the Chancellor of the university in October, 1750, which stressed the importance of realia in the curriculum of Eloquence and Poetry [23] . In addition to all this, Hassel taught Latin and Swedish prose composition. This was of course in perfect accordance with the Hat government policy of promoting the use of the vernacular at the university [24] .

After the elimination of the chair of Poetry in 1747 Hassel took over the responsibility for this subject as well. He did not, however, teach a single course on poets but continued his lectures on Cicero. Some teaching of poetry in private lessons was offered by a magister docens. The almost complete absence of poets in the curriculum of the years 1747-1755 [25] was noticed by the Chancellor himself [26] .

In spite of certain elements, notably the stress on an historicising approach and the importance of Realienkunde as well as the utility of Ancient doctrines in modern life, resembling elements of the Neuhumanismus of Johann Matthias Gesner (1691-1761), the aestheticising approach to Ancient literature, typical of Gesner and, later, Winckelmann as well as Henrik Gabriel Porthan, is completely absent in Hassel.

3. LL. SS. professio ordinaria

Clewberg was the son of a clergyman and had graduated from Uppsala in 1737. He was appointed professor of Sacred Languages in 1747 [27] and became Third professor of Theology in 1757. According to the Catalogus praelectionum of 1747 he in literario itinere, apud exteros versatur; redux, proximo ut speramus, vere, ipse significabit quid sit traditurus . He stayed abroad, however, even for the following academic year, inter exteros etiamnum degens [28] . From the 1730s he had been tutor to Count Ulrik Gustav and Count Carl Julius De La Gardie [29] , and had spent with them the years 1742-1744 in Paris at the house of of their uncle, Count Clas Ekeblad, Swedish ambassador to the French court and later member of the Commission for Education as well as Chancellor of the Academy of Turku. Clewberg visited British universities in 1746 [30] . In July 1746 we find him at the University of Leiden, and in December 1747 at the University of Göttingen, as ephorus to Count Carl Julius. In Leiden he probably listened to the famous Orientalist A. Schultens [31] . At that time, the professor of Sacred Languages was Tiberius Hemsterhuys (1685-1766) and the professor of Eloquence and History, Frans van Oudendorp (1696-1761) [32] . Göttingen, of course, was the birthplace of Neuhumanismus [33] . There, J.M. Gesner had been active since the 1730s in promoting his new, Neo-Humanistic view of culture. The correspondence between Clewberg and Johan Arckenholtz (1695-1777), librarian of the markgrave of Hesse-Cassel, later professor of history at the Academy and benefactor of the University Library, shows that Clewberg was in contact with Gesner. [34] There is also a series of other documents illustrating Clewberg's attitude to Classics.

Apart from his teaching as professor of Sacred Languages from 1749 until 1757, Clewberg's interests are revealed by the catalogue of his personal library, sold at an auction in 1767 [35] , and, last but not least, the Opinion of 1754.

Clewberg revolutionised the teaching of Sacred Languages. In 1749, he not only taught a public course on Job and delivered private lectures on the Book of Joshua in Hebrew, but he also gave lectures on Plutarch (De liberorum educatione), without neglecting Arabic [36] . Plutarch had last been taught in 1725 by Daniel Juslenius, LL. SS. professor [37] . In 1750, Clewberg switched to Aelian (Varia historia) [38] , and, in 1756, to Hesiod [39] .

After 1759 Clewberg does not seem to have taught non-Biblical Greek. However, in his years as professor of Sacred Languages, he not only lectured on Plutarch, Aelian and Hesiod but also gave tuition in the independent study of Ancient Greek texts. This programme with all its lacunae - Homer is notably absent -, represents a width of philological interests unknown to Hassel, professor of Eloquence. It is true that although Clewberg's appointment as professor of Theology did not put an end to his teaching of Classics, he subsequently used these texts as a complement to theological ones.

According to Porthan, Clewberg was peritus ipse librorum iudex et conquisitor [40] . His library shows him not only as a polyglot - apart from the predictable Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Arabic and German, he had books in Finnish [41] , Italian, French, Spanish, English, Polish, Persian and Turkish - but as a man of extraordinarily varied scholarly and cultural interests [42] . The library consisted of 2337 volumes, which was an imposing number for Turku [43] . As to Classics, there were 140 volumes of editions of Greek texts, from Homer to Zonaras, with some translations in Italian or French, whereas the Latin texts numbered only 42. In addition to texts there were several volumes of scholarship from Marcus Antonius Sabellicus to Angelo Maria Ricci [44] . Clewberg's library was complementary to the University library, lacking in profane Greek texts. At the auctions of 1767 and 1772 [45] the University Library only bought printed and manuscript works in Arabic [46] .

Though philology was absent from the teaching of the professor of Eloquence, it was represented in that of the professor of Sacred Languages who, in the 1750s, did not limit himself to Biblical Greek. Clewberg's re-introduction of Classical Greek into the curriculum, his interest in Antiquitates in his theological teaching, maybe also his interest in the stylus originalis of Biblical texts, and especially his library (which also contained Gesner's commentary on Aesculapius, Hygieia and Telesphorus [47] ) - all these facts together suggest that his ideas were at least parallel to Gesner's. This never seems to have solidified into a consistent Neo-Humanistic programme. An important reason might be Clewberg's predominantly Orientalistic and theological interests, as well as his academic duties. It would, however, be interesting to speculate on the impact of his library and his private teaching on students and colleagues [48] .

3. Dissertations supervised by Hassel and Clewberg

The dissertations supervised by Hassel are rarely about philology [49] . Rhetoric is treated in three theses between 1735 and 1751 [50] . Lizelius-Hassel's De dotibus ... heavily criticises this discipline:

naturam patet longe pluris aestimandam esse; utpote quae etjam sine doctrina saepe multum valet (p. 3)

Hassel's attitude to purely linguistic research is highly negative: the principal achievement of the Renaissance had been the knowledge of the three Sacred languages, Hebrew, Greek and the Latin of Antiquity; now it is important to learn other languages. Since, however, there are so many new fields of learning to be covered, one should not insist on linguistic studies. Language is only a means of communication, and rhetoric has a lower priority than practical needs:

Praecepta Rhetorica, a Graecis atque Romanis tradita, non magis conveniunt praesenti negotiorum indoli, & stilo, qui jam obtinet, civili, quam Jus romanum cum Jurisprudentia & praxi fori hodierna congruit [51]

Most of the theses supervised by H. were on history, and covered rather large fields [52] . These texts are characterised by a conspicuously critical attitude towards Rome. As we have seen, history was the ideal magistra vitae for Hassel, a Humanistic idea that had developed into the concept of pragmatic history in the seventeenth century when history had been reduced to a series of exempla. A knowledge of antiquitates was essential for understanding texts [53] . Although the theses do not refer to contemporary political events, it is not difficult to see the relevance of such themes as political freedom and imperialism for subjects of the Swedish realm, especially in the 1750s, with, on the one hand, the democratic system in vigour from 1721 until 1771 and, on the other hand, Prussian successes in the War of the Austrian Succession and the Seven Years' War. Hassel was a Bonnet by conviction, and although his educational policies conformed to the utilitarian approach of the Hats, he was a man of peace.

If Hassel was critical of Roman politics, his attitude to the Latin language and the culture it transmitted seems to have been outright negative. The theses stress the derivative character of Roman culture and even deny Latin the position of an original language of learning: it was only thanks to the Catholic Church of the Middle Ages that it came to have that role. Greek has better credentials for its status, and in De diverso gustu reipublicae literariae 1 (1751) the author speaks in favour of Greek culture. It would, however, be precipitous to characterise Hassel as a Philhellenist: although the Greeks were superior to Romans in philosophy [54] , they proposed many a fallacious idea. They are also condemned as arrogant in a dissertation of 1745, the ground being the fact that they called other nations barbaric [55] . Another dissertation [56] praises the Roman religion at the expense of Greek, the first being simplicior and honestior. The Romans were militaristic [57] . These statements do not indicate to a Neo-Humanistic Hellenomania, but rather a negative judgement of both Greeks and Romans.

As we have seen, Hassel also showed interest in Swedish. According to one thesis, the vernacular is appropriate scientific texts [58] . Some people maintain that eliminating Latin would destroy civilisation, but they are wrong [59] . It is interesting to note, however, that there is not a single thesis in Swedish supervised by Hassel.

It is consequently not surprising that Hassel, together with his colleague in natural sciences, C.F. Mennander, should have shown himself for the Moderns:

non dubitamus accedere illis, qui pro recentioribus pronunciant [60]

Utility and reason emerge as the mainstays of the ideology represented by Hassel's theses, and the idea of a continuous progress of mankind is essential [61] . The dissertation De praesenti reipublicae literariae flore (1754) is in fact a history of scholarship. The author proclaims the ideas of science and progress, and takes up a position against the predominance of Latin in scientific communication. J.M. Gesner is mentioned in a dissertation from 1765, De impedimentis nonnullis linguae Latinae addiscendae [62] , which criticises current teaching methods, memorisation of rules etc., to be compared with similar remarks by Ricci and Gesner himself, and well in accordance with the reform policy of the Hats.

Philology is, on the contrary, the prevailing subject in dissertations supervised by Clewberg. There are very few statements on the value of the field. From the theological point of view, Clewberg sticks to Lutheran Orthodoxy [63] . Most of the theses deal with Biblical semantics. There is also a dissertation comparing the koine with Classical Greek [64] which underlines the necessity of knowing the latter in order to understand the New Testament. It is interesting that even theses on specifically Biblical subjects, such as De Mose vitulum aureum potabilem reddente [65] make extensive use of Classical authors, such as Pliny the Elder, Flavius Josephus, Pausanias, Strabo, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Aristotle, Plutarch, Seneca and Caesar [66] , and compare the specific problem with conditions in the Greek and Roman world. Secondary bibliography is modern [67] and the sources are indicated with great precision. This is quite different from what we have seen in Hassel's output. Some dissertations cover vast fields, such as the diss. grad. De poenis coelibum apud veteres [68] , on Biblical, Greek and Roman history.

Clewberg's speciality, which probably kept him from developing Classical studies at Turku, were dissertations on Arabic, such as Specimen philologicum usum linguae arabicae in perficiendo lexico hebraeo sistens [69] , and De nummis arabicis in patria repertis, which is a treatise on Arabic paleography as well as numismatics. According to the De nummis the Arabs are a very important people for Westerners because they have saved so many Greek works and thus merit our admiration [70] (p. 1). This does not, however, mean that the author would approve of Mohammed, that he calls an impostor [71] . Clewberg seems to have allowed the author to examine his own collection of coins. [72] The style is simple, just as in Hassel's dissertations, but the notes are more precise and numerous, and, in the case of the De nummis, the factual information presents elements of novelty.

3. The showdown

In March 1750 the Academy of Turku received a memorandum on university degrees, the form of examinations and the nationes, students' associations, drafted by the Commission, with the request that the Consistorium pronounce itself on these matters. [73] The Vice-Chancellor, bishop Browallius, a staunch Hat, published anonymously a pamphlet called Oförgripeliga tankar om underwisnings-wärket, vid gymnasier och scholarne i riket in 1751, where he sketched a general programme for a comprehensive state educational system [74] . The idea was to direct the youngsters towards professions and trades according to their talents through this comprehensive programme. Browallius was strongly opposed to private tutoring at home; instead the state had to ensure (and control) the educational system. The good of the Commonwealth was the supreme goal. Consequently, all "useless" elements were to be eliminated from the programmes of both schools and universities. Browallius especially attacked the position of Latin, Greek and Hebrew in the curricula. The use of Latin in teaching was a waste of time and just helped to cover up ignorance. The children and the youngsters should be taught in Swedish both at school and at university, and in general the knowledge of foreign languages should not exceed the needs of the particular trade or field. [75]

By May 1751, no Opinion had yet been drafted regarding the memoradum of the Commission for Education. In the meeting of 10 May a letter from the Chancellor was read. He urged the Consistorium to send him the Opinion and enlarge it by comments on the recently published pamphlet Oförgripeliga tankar. [76] In March, the Rector, Henrik Hassel, had tried to find two professors to draft the Opinion, without success. [77] The situation remained the same in summer, all professors giving excuses ("that the Consistorium could not disapprove of") for not taking upon themselves the task. [78] Since the Chancellor had requested that the chapters of those bishoprics that the students of the Academy originated in should be consulted in drafting the Opinion, the Consistorium also contacted the chapters of Porvoo in Finland, Härnosand, Skara, Växjö and Linköping, thus slowing down the process. [79] Although Hassel and Browallius had earlier worked together to promote the cause of "useful" subjects and the use of the vernacular in university texts, they fell out during this summer first because of a controversial dissertation [80] The Opinion matter did nothing to decrease the tension between Hassel and Browallius. Hassel suggested, and the Consistorium accepted, that the Opinion would only concern the matters approached the previous year, without taking into account the latest memo and the Oförgripeliga tankar. Hassel finally had to take on himself the drafting of the Opinion [81] . In the following meeting Browallius was present and Hassel absent; Browallius insisted on a new decision according to which the Opinion should indeed concern all the matters presented in the latest memo and his anonymous pamphlet [82] . When Hassel then brought up his version of the Opinion in the meeting of 20 August, 1751, not corresponding to the decision taken in the meeting of 12 August, it came to an open conflict. Hassel's text was not discussed, and Browallius appointed professors C.A.Clewberg and J. Gadolin as a two-man committee responsible for drafting a new Opinion [83] . Due to this humiliation in the hands of Browallius, Hassel seems to have henceforth largely neglected his academic duties in favour of his country estate near Turku [84] .

In the meantime, especially the university of Uppsala, the Opinion of which concerning the university reform was drafted by Linné, most vigorously criticised the plan of turning the universities into polytechnics [85] . The Vice-Chancellor again asked about the fate of the Opinion in the spring of 1752 in a letter to one of the professors, upon which Clewberg told it was almost ready [86] . In 1754, Browallius drafted an Opinion of his own in the name of the chapter, where he re-affirmed the ideas of Oförgripeliga tankar [87] . It was only in March 1754, when he was soon to be Rector of the Academy, that Clewberg presented the text of his own Opinion. [88]

As such, the Academy of Turku could have been more easily transformed into a theological polytechnic: most of its students traditionally became ministers. [89] However, in its Opinion - drafted by C.A. Clewberg - the Academy strongly defended the scholarly nature of the university. Browallius had no doubt expected Clewberg, whom Chancellor Tessin had preferred over the man proposed by the Consistorium when appointing the professor of Holy Languages, to conform to his educational policy. He had personally got acquainted with Clewberg in the 1730s [90] . We have seen above (p. 00) that in the 1740s Clewberg had toured European universities, among others Göttingen, and got into contact with J.M. Gesner. The Professor of Sacred Languages was a scholar, and his idea of the role of the university was quite different from that of the Commission for Education.

This Opinion gave a strong push in the direction of Neo-Humanism, although the aestheticising element was still missing. The university could not be narrowly conceived as a school for civil servants; the graduates could serve in many other professions. Scientific knowledge served not only scholars, but civil servants as well. Scholarship was a value per se and should not be chased from the universities [91] The idea of combining research and teaching is clearly Neo-Humanistic, quite in the spirit of the principles of the University of Göttingen [92] . The importance of the teaching of Oriental languages and Greek was, understandably, stressed. [93] Clewberg wanted to prove that Oriental languages were useful for trade with the Ottoman Empire. Not only was knowledge of Greek relevant for the understanding of the New Testament but Swedish subjects would greatly profit from reading Classical Greek texts thanks to the similarities between the parliamentary régime of Sweden and the Greek democracies. On another, even more practical level, Greek, an inherently elegant language, was necessary for a good command of one's own mother tongue [94] . In spite of Pope, Racine and Fontenelle being quite excellent, their Ancient models, Homer, Euripides and Lucian were much better.

Clewberg also underlined the fact that research should not be confined to the Academies of Science to the exclusion of universities, since the latter institutions disposed of a most powerful asset, young people [95] . Where would the Academies be if the universities only turned out civil servants?

In spite of the contents, probably a bitter disappointment for Browallius, the latter did not make an issue of it. The Opinion passed with flying colours at the meeting of the Consistorium [96] . In fact, the idea of the professionalisation of both school and university curricula had been widely rejected, and when the Commission for Education came up with a wholesale plan for the curricula, no legislation was passed to support it. Clewberg's idea of university heralded the new, Neo-Humanistic ideal which combines research and strong know-how. Enlightenment should be upheld through research [97] .

4. Conclusion

The Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes came somewhat late to the Academia Aboensis and lasted for several decades. The professor of Eloquence, Henrik Hassel, was a partisan of Utility, and did very little to promote Classical philology as a discipline. His colleague in Sacred Languages from 1747, Carl Abraham Clewberg, was a man of a new generation. He had come into contact with Neo-Humanism in Göttingen, and was apparently a distinguished scholar himself, judging from the catalogue of his private library and the theses supervised by him. The severest onslaught of the Hats against the universities at the beginning of the 1750s was successfully warded off due to the efforts of Uppsala, with Linné, and not the least by Clewberg, whose Opinion traces an idea of the university as essentially combining research with teaching, heralding the introduction of Neo-Humanism to the Academy of Turku through Henrik Gabriel Porthan in the 1770s.



[1] For a concise description of the Diet of 1726-27, see now J. Manninen, Valistus ja kansallinen identiteetti. Aatehistoriallinen tutkimus 1700-luvun Pohjolasta. Historiallisia tutkimuksia 210. Helsinki 2000, 25-29.

[2] Manninen 25.

[3] M. Klinge et al. Helsingin yliopisto 1640-1990 1. Kuninkaallinen Turun Akatemia 1640-1808. Keuruu 1987, 511-512; Manninen 31-35, and more specifically on the role of the Royal Academy of Sciences, 40-42. Lars Salvius, in his weekly magazine Tanckar öfwer den swenska oeconomien, igenom samtal yttrade published in 1738, had presented very progressive thoughts about the use of the vulgar tongue and the uselessness of Latin in scientific writing, see Manninen 36-37. Salvius then went on to become not only a member and officer of the Academy of Sciences, founded in 1739, but also the editor and later publisher of the Acts of the Academy of Sciences, Swenska wetenskaps academiens handlingar. This series contained texts in the vulgar tongue, thus putting into practice the Baconian idea of science distributed in the vernacular. Salvius would also publish a magazine called Lärda tidningar and found a lending library. He was also the distributor of Latin works by Linné and other scholars, see Manninen 37.

[4] Manninen 37.

[5] Klinge 512-513.

[6] Klinge 513.

[7] Klinge 513.

[8] Klinge 515. The very first chairs of economy in the world had been founded at the universities of Halle and Frankfur/Oder, Manninen 37. Berch's full title was Juris Prudentiae, Oeconomiae et Commerciorum Professor, R. Bentzel, 'Economics at Uppsala to Berch to Lindahl/Palander. A Survey', www.nek.uu.se/Information/Hist.htm 10 September, 2001.

[9] Klinge 515. An important partisan of natural history in the curriculum was Johan Browallius, friend of Linné and later Vice-Chancellor of the Academy, see Manninen 54-58 and below, p. 00.

[10] Klinge 515.

[11] Klinge 517; also see Manninen 131ff.

[12] See I. Kajanto, Porthan and Classical Scholarship 26. AASF B 225. Helsinki 1984. The number of dissertations is 125.

[13] H.G. Porthan, De Henrico Hassel 361.

[14] Ibid. 362.

[15] Ibid. 363. His subjects were Roman and Greek literature, history, philosophy and Oriental languages, see I.A. Heikel, Filologins studium vid Åbo Universitet. Åbo Universitets lärdomshistoria 5. Filologin. Skrifter utgivna av Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland 26. Helsingfors 1894, 168.

[16] Ibid. 365 and note

[17] Ibid. 366.

[18] Ordine, Vossii sequendo praecepta Veterum Rhetorum publicè tradere, & praesenti Vitae civilis indoli applicare, Deo Duce, conabitur (CP 1728).

[19] Cornelium Tacitum, ob gravem styli majestatem, & rerum Romanarum enarrationem, incorrupto non minus veri studio, qvam exacto judicio pragmatico commendabilem, idoneum in primis habuit, quem in gratiam aestimatorum Eloqventiae Civilis, DEO propitio, hoc anno publicè interpretetur (CP 1732).

[20] vt C. Svetonium Tranqvillum dudum plurimi aestimauit, non minus ob concinnitatem styli tersam & nervosam, qvam fidam iuxta ac prudentem rerum Romanarum enarrationem; ita, Divina adfulgente Gratia, hoc anno Academico Illum publice interpretari constituit (CP 1735)

[21] CP 1749; in 1759: tam argumenti praestantia, qvam temperatae orationis dignitate maxime commendabilem denuo interpretandum eo lubentius se accingit, quo saepius hanc operam Auditoribus non displicuisse jucunda perceperat experientia

[22] Cui Mori (i.e. to study history) debuimus, quod discipulis quoque et auditoribus Suis Historiae studium commendare soleret non intra nudam subsistens temporum nominumque enumerationem memoria custodiendam, sed eventus sollerter cum caussis effectisque suis expendens, et doctrinas inde elicere vitae utiles enitens; cujus amorem, non exemplo minus quam consiliis praeceptisque, instillare juventuti feliciter ac inculcare noverat, De Henrico Hassel 365.

[23] According to the reply of the Consistorium maius to the Chancellor who had asked for an opinion on the reform of the University curriculum and which was presented in the meetings of 22 until 26 October 1750, the Eloquentiae et poëseos professor was to explain auctores classici by means of ars gramatica, critica, historia critica scriptorum, historia civilis, geographia, cronologia, studium antiquitatum et historia philosophica without forgetting ars rethorica, poetica, mythologia and especially exercitia stili in Latin and in Swedish. The ideal study time was three years, during which period the student was supposed to acquire in class no more than the fundamenta et praxis disciplinarum - the rest was to be the student's own responsibility (på det studerande således i stånd satte måge sedan sielfwa kunna underläsandet hielpa sig), see V.M. Autio, ed. Turun Akatemian konsistorin pöytäkirjat (=TAKP) 16. Helsinki 1972, 370-371. It is interesting to see that the reply makes explicit reference to antiquitates, which have an important role in Gesner's teaching at Göttingen (Opuscula minora 1.58, Recitationum indictio, 2 October 1735). Exercises in the vernacular were also part of the curriculum at Göttingen, e.g. Si qui praeterea in Latino vel Graeco scripto quocumque intelligendo, in Germanicae eloquentiae cultu, in exercitatione scribendi, loquendi, dicendi, antiquitatis cognitione (ibid.).

[24] See Lindberg 188-190. Until the elimination of the Chair of Poetry in 1747, it was naturally the Professor Poëseos Ord. , Andreas Pryss, who was responsible for teaching Latin lyric poetry. In 1727 he is listed as giving a course on Tristia, ostensurus tum doctrinae in iis notas, tum ingenii lumina, quorum observatione Eloquentiae & Poëseos studiosos feliciter proficere existimabit. The formulation seems to represent the typical post-humanistic attitude to Ancient texts, seen as literary models that should be heavily annotated. In the years 1728-1747 Pryss lectured on Horace (Ars poet., Carm., Epod,), Virgil (Aeneid, Georgics) and Ovid (Fasti).

[25] The proposal for re-instating the chair of Poetry in 1755 was motivated as follows: Af de sedermera insände cataloguer och förtekningar på föreläsningarne, har han (i.e. the Chancellor) sedt, det Professoren Hassel endast drifwit underwisningen uti de effter första inrättningen honom tillagde lärostycken, uti eloquentia prosa, hwarmed han ock skal wara wäl nögd, på det professoren må hafwa så mycket tilräckeligare utrymme, at til ungdomens opbyggelse och wetenskapens framgång utöfwa den fullkomliga insigt och mycket behageliga färdighet, som han jämte annan grundelig och widsträkt lärdom derutinnan med allmän approbation äger, hwarom Hans Excellence til hans välförtjenta loford nu billigt omnämna bordt, V.M. Autio, ed. TAKP 17. Helsinki 1982, 422.

[26] In 1757 Wilhelm Robert Nääf (1720-1783) was appointed professor extraordinarius of Poetry. He seems to have started teaching only in 1761, when he gave a course on the Carmina and the Ars poetica of Horace. There is no information in the programmes of 1762 and 1763 (that of 1764 has not been preserved). In 1765 he taught Bucolica and the Aeneid; in 1767 and 1768 again the latter (no information being available for 1766). In 26 1768 Nääf was appointed ordinarius in Poetry, in 1770 ordinarius in Logic and Metaphysiscs, and in 1779 Professor ordinarius quartus in Theology, to be promoted tertius in 1780. Paradoxically, his first promotion in 1768 seems to have put an end to his teaching in Poetry, and from 1769 it was Henrik Gabriel Porthan, since 1762 Eloquentiae docens and since 1764 Amanuensis Bibliothecae, who, being injunctam sibi Poeseos arva colendi operam, took over the course on Horace. Porthan who had been a student of Hassel's without graduating under his supervision, was soon to revolutionise Classics at the Academy by introducing the Neuhumanismus à la Winckelmann.

[27] In the period between 1728 and 1739 this post was held by Isaac Björklund, who announced ubi intervallum annuorum laborum prius Graecae tribuerit litteraturae, posteriori ad colendam Ebraeorum philologiam divertat. Graeca litteratura meant the New Testament. His successor, Gregorius Steenman (1700-1746), appointed in 1741, never took up his post. The 1741-1743 war between Sweden and Russian closed the gates of the Academy for 1742-1743, the chair of Sacred Languages remaining vacant until 1747.

[28] CP 1748.

[29] Clewberg had been enrolled at the University of Uppsala in 1722; together with his brother Christoffer he had had private tuition from Johan Tolsteen (A.B. Carlsson, utg. Uppsala universitets matrikel ... 2. 1700-1750, Uppsala 1919-1953, 152, 220).

[30] See O. Schilling, Då Theologiae Professorn vid Åbo Academie, Högvördige och Vidtberömde Herren, Herr Mag. Carl Abraham Clewberg ... den 25. i samma månad nedsattes i sin hvilokammare i Upsala Domkyrka, År 1765. Upprestes detta enfaldiga minne, Upp Helsingiska nations vägnar, af Olof Schilling, s.l.

[31] Heikel 189. Clewberg was very serious about his job in Turku: the protocols of the Consistorium mention several sets of books bought by him for the Academy library in Holland in 1747-1749.

[32] J.E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship 2. Cambridge 1958 (New York - London 1967), 447-455.

[33] U. Schindel, 'Johann Mathias Gesner, Professor der Poesie und Beredsamkeit 1734-1761', C.J. Classen, hrsg. Die klassische Altertumswissenschaft an der Georg-August-Universität Göttingen ... Göttinger Universitätschriften a. Schriften 14. Göttingen 1989, 9-26.

[34] Manninen 140, who refers to the Tessin collection at the Swedish Riksarkivet.

[35] Förteckning På den Wackra och talrika boksamling, Som, För detta Theologiae Professoren wid Åbo Akademie, Herr Carl. Abrah. Clewberg Ägt, Hwilken därstädes i instundande Junii månad och Höst-Terminen därpå, igenom offentelig Auction kommer at försäljas. Åbo 1767; see also Vallinkoski 2.130.

[36] CP 1749.

[37] Kajanto 43.

[38] Privatim Aeliani Variam Historiam, au Librum Psalmorum. In aliis autem Lingvis Orientalibus, discentium desideriis, pro virili, satisfacere conabitur (CP 1750-1751).

[39] CP 1751-1752: Privatas curas sibi vindicabunt, quarum usus insignior judicabitur, LL. orientis reliquae. Ad notitiam quoque profanorum Graeciae scriptorum viam pandet, daturus consilia pro lectione eorum feliciter instituenda. Even his teaching of Hebrew had elements of novelty: in 1752 he announced a course on the Antiquitates Sacri Codicis & Gentis Hebraeae privatae occupabunt curae, i.e. Realienkunde of the Bible. In 1752, In Graecis ea sedulo proponet, quae maxime in rem fore discentium intellexerit. In 1753 he did not give the contents of the private courses. In 1754 he taught the Gospel of St. Luke and the Psalms, and in 1755, because of administrative tasks, he taught in Hebraicis aut Graecis without further detail. In 1756, privatim in Ebraicis Exodum, in Graecis, Hesiodi Ascraei Opera & Dies explicabit. In 1757, after his appointment as professor of Theology, he taught exegesis and Historia Ecclesiastica Veteris Testamenti, and in 1759 his course on Genesis was characterised by his stili originalis emphasin, historiam sacram, typos, dogmata & mores, qua fieri poterat brevitate, publicè expositurus. Privatim dicta classica enucleabit, eorumque ad probanda fidei dogmata adplicationem ostendet

[40] Historia bibliothecae R. Academiae Aboënsis... H.G. Porthans skrifter i urval/Henrici Gabrielis Porthan opera selecta 3. SKS 21. Helsingfors 1867, 74.

[41] He collaborated on a new translation of the Bible in Finnish, Tengström 218. As early as 1754 he knew Finnish well enough to qualify as the minister of the Finnish-speaking parish of Turku, Heikel 195.

[42] In addition to works related to his academic activities, there is an important amount of texts on European and Swedish history, natural sciences, numismatics (e.g. C. Chiffletius, De numismate antiquo), geography and mathematics. There is a significant number of volumes on theatre, e.g. Nuovo Theatro Italiano cum versione Gallica (vols. 1 and 3) and the Traité de la Reformation du Theatre by Luigi Riccoboni (Förteckning 79) as wll as. Le Theatre italien de gherardi tomes 5 et 6 (Amstelodami 1701, in one volume, ibid.). This interest would be inherited by his son, Abraham Niclas Clewberg, first librarian at the Academy library, later (1783) Second Director of the Royal Opera in Stockholm and a friend of the theatre-loving king Gustavus III, who ennobled him under the name of Edelcrantz, see H. Schück, ed. Johan Henrik Kellgrens bref till Abraham Niclas Clewberg. Helsingfors 1894, vii. Porthan lamented the dispersion of the library: E relicta praeterea egregia supellectili libraria b. Theologiae Professoris Dn. Caroli Abrahami Clewberg, pulcherrimo aucta fuit incremento, quod longe etiam amplius futurum fuisset, aliquanto majore consilio curaque adhibitis (Bibliotheca 89), in note: quam merito totius acquirendae debuisset consilium iniri, satis docet: raro in nostris oris similis continget opportunitas, literis Graecis, complures egregii libri, Auctores Graeci, Msc. quidam libri Arabici (minoris licet pretii) etc.

[43] Vallinkoski 2.233.

[44] Ricci taught at the University of Florence and was an ardent partisan of the study of Greek, especially of Homer. His Dissertationes Homericae, published in 1733, stress the necessity of reforming the teaching methods of the Classical languages by eliminating memorisation of grammatical rules and by focusing on content and style in reading texts. Orationes Homericae, see Förteckning 49 (in quarto).

[45] Vallinkoski 2.130.

[46] Tengström 218: " Af hans i Orientaliska, Grekiska och Theologiska Litteraturen betydliga boksamling inköptes efter hans död för akademiska Bibliothekets räkning, utom flera tryckta verk åtskilliga Arabiska manuskripter". According to Heikel 189 the books bought by the library in 1771 were parts of the Quran, quranic exegesis and two Arabic grammars, see also Vallinkoski 2.133.

[47] J.M. Gesneri Marmoris Cassellani, quo Aeculap. Hygaea & Telesphorum celebr explicat (Förteckning 50).

[48] Vallinkoski 2.233 present figures: of quotations of Classical authors (Greek, Latin, Paleo-Christian down tol c. 450) in dissertations between 1722 and 1772, 75.1 % were taken from texts present in the Academy library. 24.9 % must have come from texts of a different origin, e.g. owned by the praeses.

[49] In 1745 (4 May) the future traveller and explorer Wilhelm Ross defended his Theses philologicae ... pro gradu (Vallinkoski 1626).

[50] De dotibus naturalibus oratori necessariis (resp. Andreas Lizelius, 27 June 1735, Vallinkoski 1567); De perspicuitate orationis (resp. Mauritius Wilh. Fontell, 1 June 1748, Vallinkoski 1649); De usu et abusu eloquentiae (resp. Gabriel Peteche, 2 May 1751, Vallinkoski 1661).

[51] Theses Misc. 2 (Henricus Erici Carling, 1745, Vallinkoski 1630, no. 24).

[52] Depending on the respondentes these texts are either essays, with a minimum of indication of sources, or well-documented treatises. Some of them, such as the heavily annotated De fatis libertatis romanae 1-2 (resp. Petrus Ringh, 1740), give evidence for quite an extensive knowledge of the most important historians, Greek (Polybius, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Plutarch) and Latin, and take into account some seventeenth- and eighteenth-century scholars as well. In spite of the absence of official teaching of non-Biblical Greek until 1750, the students quite obviously knew their texts. Roman history seems to have been a subject favoured by Hassel, from Caesar's murder (1732) and Octavian's takeover of the Roman state (1733) to the expansion of Rome (De magnitudine Romana per imprudentiam vicinorum 1-2, Petrus Jusleen, 29 May 1756- 13 July 1757, Vallinkoski 1669-1670); see also Kajanto 26..

[53] Th. philosophicae (A.G. Sacklinius, 20 June 1745, Vallinkoski 1633), no. 3 and 4.

[54] Theses philosophicae (Sacklinius, Vallinkoski 1633, th. 17).

[55] Theses philosophicae, Paul. Krogius, 8 May 1745, Vallinkoski 1627, th. 18 and 19.

[56] Petrus Jusleen, De magnitudine Romana 1 (24 May 1756, Vallinkoski 1669, p. 3).

[57] Theses philosophicae (Krogius, Vallinkoski 1627, no. 22).

[58] Theses Miscellaneae (Ericus Lemquist, 1745, Vallinkoski 1623, no. 13). Cf. Salvius in n. 3.

[59] Qui ex hac parte etiamnum sibi a barbarie metuunt, nimis utique sunt scrupulosi (Theses Misc., Sacklinius, 1745, Vall. 1633, no. 6.

[60] The first mention of the Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes is found in the dissertation of J. Odenius (Theses misc. 1, 17 April 1745, Vallinkoski 1625) in 1745 (Kajanto 38). Mennander supervised a dissertation called Nonnulla monumenta controversiae illustris: an recentioribus vel antiquioribus palma eruditionis sit tribuenda (Israel Altan, 20 June 1753, Vallinkoski 2453 ) which presents a careful comparison of the achievements of both sides. Without depriving the Ancients of their merits, the author votes for the Moderns because of the results of cumulative sciences. Mennander was, however, no blind admirer of the Moderns, but also appreciated part of the heritage of Antiquity.

[61] Theses Miscellaneae (11 April 1745, Ericus Lemquist, Vallinkoski 1623) no. 22: Felicitas hominis est continuus ad majores perfectiones progressus

[62] Kajanto 42.

[63] Both Nature and Revelation are evidence for God. Clewberg does not accept any criticism of the text of the Bible as it has been handed down to modern times, since admitting even one mistake made by a copyist would endanger the authority of the Holy Book, see e.g. Clewberg - M. Pazelius, Dissertatio psalmum CXLV. vindicans ... pro gradu..., 16 July 1751, Vallinkoski 792).

[64] Aphorismi philologici de genio sermonis originalis novi testamenti, M. Forsinius, 23 Dec 1756, Vallinkoski 822.

[65] Abrahamus Indrenius, Fil., 28 June 1755, Vallinkoski 817.

[66] E.g. A.A. Indrenius' De Mose uses Justinus, Musonius, Aristotle, Pausanias, Sophocles, Plato, Aelian, Plutarch, Xenophon, Valerius Maximus, Dio Cassius, Strabo, Clemens of Alexandria and Talmudic scholars.

[67] In dissertations on Arabic, among others, Pococke, Joh. Ben. Carpzow (Carpzovius), Giggejus, in Biblical studies Stock, Bochart (Hierozoicon), Selden, all of them seventeenth or eighteenth century. Schultens' works are quoted with admiration by Avellan in the Specimen. It is worth noting that modern travellers are also drawn on; the model for this could be found e.g. in Balthasar Ludwig Eskuche, Erläuterung der heil. Schrift aus morgenländischen Reisebeschreibungen 1-2. Lemgo 1750-1755, often quoted e.g. in L. Settermark, Dissertatio academica, vocis (6-7, Esa. VII:14 veram notionem eruens (3 July 1756, Vallinkoski 819).

[68] A.A. Indrenius, 26 July 1757, Vallinkoski 823.

[69] M. Avellan, 18 May 1757, Vallinkoski 823.

[70] M. Lundbeck, 25 June 1755, Vallinkoski 816; for the coins, see Vallinkoski 2.174. P. 1: Dum ex procellis iactabantur Graecanis litterae, ad tutissimum hujus refugiebant portum...

[71] P. 16, where the author discusses a Persian coin from 1721 belonging to Clewberg

[72] E.g. p. 23.

[73] Meeting 12 April, 1750, V.M. Autio, ed. TAKP 16.1747-1751. Hki 1972, 287.

[74] Manninen 132-135. He quotes Browallius as published in A. Wiberg, ed. 'Browallius "Tankar", Reformpedagoger III-IV: Ruder, Hammar, Browallius, Nordling. Urkundsavtryck och studier. Årsböcker i svensk undervisningshistoria 66/1943.

[75] Wiberg 117-121.

[76] Meeting 10 May, 1751, TAKP 16.416.

[77] Meeting 25 March, 1751, TAKP 16.400 14: Ytterst, som den öfwer academiae och scholae wärken förordnade Kongl. Commissionens hit remitterade förslags puncter angående academiska wärkets förbättring ju för des heller borde komma at företagas til utlåtande: så aktade man det lända til winnande af tiden, om twenne af Herrar Professorerne skulle nu förut wid samma utlåtande lägga hande.

[78] Meeting 31 July, 1751, TAKP 17.8-9: Taltes om swaret till Kongl. Upfostringz Commissionen ang:de //9 informations wärket så wid academier som scholar och påyrkade wäl H. Rector Magnificus, at någre af Herrar Professorerne skulle samfält åtaga sig utarbetandet deraf. Men som de närwarande hwar för sig anmälte sådane förfall til at slippa samma arbete, som consistorium icke kunde ogilla,: så upskiöts resolutionen i saken til consistorium plenius; see also the meeting of 1st August, 1751 (TAKP 17.19).

[79] Meeting 10 May, 1751, TAKP 16.416.

[80] De origine animae rationalis, 1751, Manninen 110-111. It had been supervised by professor Carl Mesterton and presented a Wolffian view on the transmission of the original sin from generation to generation. Browallius, on the basis of legislation on censorship according to which Lutheran orthodoxy, the government of the Realm and general decency should not be attacked in dissertations, wanted measures taken against the supervisor and the dean, see Manninen 110. In the following meeting (31 July 1751, see TAKP 17.8 and Manninen 111). Hassel, in the absence of Browallius, gave Mesterton the opportunity to defend himself, enligit lag och all praxis (TAKP 17.8.). On the other hand, it was strictly contrary to the decree of 1749 that gave censorship over theological matters to theologians and not to the Consistorium. Mesterton was so scared that he consented to the confiscation of the dissertation (Manninen 111).

[81] Meeting 1st August, 1751, TAKP 17.19-20: Och förestälte rector, huru det nu mera wore nödigt, at samma utlåtande skulle ju förr ju heller til utarbetande företagas samt förmente, det någre af Herrar Consistorii Ledamöter borde för större beqwämlighets skuld derföre sammanträda, sina tankar deröfwer författa och sådant sedan til consistorii widare skiärskådande och bifall referera [...] så emedan närwarande Herrar Professorer hwar för sig undandrogo sig samma arbete, i anseende til et och annat förhinder, som consistorium icke kunde ogilla: ty begaf sig Rector Magnificus at wärkställa sådant; då consistorium deremot nödigt fant, at han imedlertid skulle wara ledig ifrån rectoris ämbetes bestyrande och derhos anmodade Juris Profes- //20 soren Pryss at såsom prorector expediera de under samma tid förefallande ärender.

[82] Meeting 12 August, 1751, TAKP 17.20-22.

[83] Meeting 20 August, 1751, TAKP 17.27-28; see also Manninen 137.

[84] Manninen 137. Hassel would teach until his retirement in 1775. The the last but one dissertation presided by him was Per Jusleen's De magnitudine Romana, per imprudentiam vicinorum promota (1756-1757), which was a violent condemnation of Roman expansionistic politics and warfare, see above n. 52. Manninen 138-139 sees this as a condemnation of the militarism of the Hat party that in 1757 involved Sweden in the Seven Years' War against Prussia and England (in the Baltic area known as the Pomeranian War). In 1765, Hassel presided the pro gradu dissertation of C.F. Mennander junior, his daughter's son. He died in 1776.

[85] Klinge 518.

[86] Meeting 27 February, 1752, TAKP 17. 63-64: Berättade Professoren Olof Pryss, det Professor Tillander uppå Hans Högwördighets Herr Biskopens och ProCantzlerns anmodan medelst skrifwelse begiärat blifwa underrättad om det åstundade betänkandet, rörande academiska constitutionerne, redan wore färdigt at öfwersändas til wederbörande i Stockholm. J anledning hwaraf //64 frågades af Professoren Clewberg, som jemte Professor Gadolin åtagit sig at opsättia et project härtil, om det samma redan wore färdigt? Hwarpå professoren swarade at för honom ei mera återstode, än at allenast för conferera med Prof. Gadolin härom; hwilket icke kunde skie, förr än bem. professor wore hemkommen ifrån des resa, som han mente snart lära skie.

[87] Manninen 141.

[88] Meeting 14 March, 1754, TAKP 17.286-287.

[89] Klinge 519-522; also see Manninen 30.

[90] Manninen 139-140.

[91] Resumé of the Opinion in J. af Forselles, A. N. Clewberg-Edelcrantz och hans omgivning. Helsingfors 1903, 19-20. The original is at the Swedish Riksarkivet, ÄN 849, Handlingar.

[92] Manninen 142.

[93] Klinge 522; Manninen 142-145.

[94] Klinge 522; Manninen 145.

[95] Af Forselles 20.

[96] Meeting 14 March, 1454, TAKP 17.286-187; also see Manninen 141.

[97] "the sciences, whose growth, development and propagation greatly contribute to the welfare of the country and which therefore must be treated with the utmost care and support, would inevitably start to lag behind and finally the place of erudition would be taken over by dangerous obscurity and ignorance...", RA, ÄK 849, Handl.; af Forselles 19-20; see Manninen 142 n. 47.



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