Vivat Germania latina, Vivat Latinitas teutonica!

Jan Papy

Justus Lipsius and the German Republic of Letters

Latin Philology as a Means of Intellectual Exchance and Influence*



1. Latin philology as a passport to Germany

"Grati mihi semper Camerarii, ob unum illum virum quem Germania vestra habuit sine pari", "The Camerarii have always been dear to me because of this single man whose peer one cannot find in Germany". This sentence, however much insignificant it may appear, can be read in one of the many manuscript collections of Munich's Staatsbibliothek, viz. in a letter written by Justus Lipsius in Leiden to the Nuremberg physician Joachim Camerarius jr. and dating from 17 May 1584. [1] Admittedly, similar short and flattering sentences can easily be found in humanist letters. In this case, however, these words reflecting on Joachim Camerarius sr. (1500-1574) and his sons reveal how the young and promising humanist scholar Justus Lipsius entered the German Republic of Letters in the early 70's, after his studies at the famous Jesuit college in Cologne (1559-1564), the Bursa Nova Tricoronata [2] , and at Louvain University with Cornelius Valerius van Auwater, professor of Latin at the Collegium Trilingue. [3]

For, having returned from a fruitful two-year stay in the homeland of humanism, Italy, Lipsius first set course for Emperor Maximilian II's court in Vienna in 1572. Though admitted immediately in this court's humanist circle by Joannes Sambucus (1531-1584), Joannes Crato von Krafftheim (1519-1585) and humanists from the Low Countries such as Nicolaus Biesius (1516-1573), Maximilian's court physician from Ghent and former professor at Louvain, the archaeologist Stephanus Pighius (1520-1604) and Augerius Busbecquius (1522-1591), imperial ambassador in Constantinople, Lipsius never succeeded to gain a firm foothold at Maximilian's court.

Disillusioned by this failure, Lipsius visited Prague and Leipzig, obviously looking for an academic position. In Leipzig, it was no one less than Joachim Camerarius sr., distinguished professor of Greek, who gave the 24-year old Lipsius a letter of recommendation for his friend and former colleague Andreas Ellinger (1526-1582), physician, professor and rector at Jena University. [4] To make more of his chances there, Lipsius also approached Tilemann Hesshusen (1527-1588), professor of theology and semestrial rector of Jena University, and Joannes Wigand (1523-1587), Hesshusen's colleague and former rector of Jena University. Both their recommendations were indispensable to obtain support from Elector Johann Wilhelm of Saxony to obtain the appointment to the chair of history in succession to Johannes Rosa who had died on 31 December 1571. [5]

Much ink has been spent sofar on the question how the Roman Catholic Lipsius ended up in the Lutheran university of Jena. [6] Without intending to go deep into this question, I want to limit myself here in stressing that Lipsius never missed an opportunity to distance himself from Alva's disastrous rule in the Low Countries and that he openly stood at the side of Ellinger and Camerarius sr. —after Melanchthon's death two of the most important adherants of 'Philippism', Melanchthon's conciliatory and 'moderate' Lutheranism. [7] This explains why Lipsius was one of only four professors whe were not dismissed from the university once Elector August of Saxony, head of the Albertine lineage of the house of Saxony, took over after the death of Johann Wilhelm (1530-1573), whereas all orthodox Lutheran professors (so-called 'gnesio-Lutherans') were expelled. It also illustrates Lipsius's very first concern, as he expressed it in his letter to Camerarius announcing that he had accepted the chair of history at Jena: 'Jena holds me now, indeed, not because it delights with a great and remunerating job, but because at this moment it is the best place amidst all turmoils'. [8] Obviously, Lipsius's appointment as professor in history and eloquence would allow him to continue his scholarly activities and his line of thought. From his letters to Camerarius we are informed on these activities in Jena: he began his comments on Tacitus's Annals, he taught on Caesar's Commentarii and Cicero's Letters to Atticus; but also the ratio dicendi and on various aspects from Roman antiquity such as Roman names (De nominibus Romanis), ancient abbreviations used in inscriptions and manuscripts (De notis et siglis antiquorum) and orthography (Orthographia). [9]

2. Tacitus: from philology to political thought

If one can easily see how Lipsius continued the philological and antiquarian activities he had started in his early years at the Louvain Collegium Trilingue and in Rome under Fulvio Orsini's guidance, still more important is the fact that it was in his inaugural lecture held at Jena that Lipsius presented for the first time his political interpretation of Tacitus. [10] In elaborating the parallelism between Alva's cruel rule and Tiberius's 'furiosus' tyranny in his public lecture, Lipsius laid the first foundations of Tacitism in Germany, a movement which between 1580 and 1680 would not only influence political thought, constitutional law and administrative law, but also the way of thinking of rulers and administrators, military leaders and man of letters. [11] What Lipsius actually did, is to subject his classical scholarship to appraisal. Repeatedly he expressed reservations about the ultimate value of philology. Textual criticism and historical scrutiny were a means, not an end, or to quote Lipsius himself: non ad ista sed per ista. His study and imitation of the language, literature and philosophy of ancient Rome were related to socially relevant areas such as ethics and politics, for he saw the real end of scholarship not as learning for its own sake but as practical: to present antiquity as an answer to the needs of his own time. In his letter of dedication of his major Tacitus-edition of 1574, written to Emperor Maximilian II after he had already left Jena because of the growing religious antagonisms [12] and because of the death of his patron Elector Johann Wilhelm on 2 March 1573 [13] , Lipsius summarized his reasons for doing so:

Tacitus is a penetrating writer, God knows, and a prudent one: and if ever there was a time when men could profit from reading him, it is now. For he does not recount the dismal victories of Hannibal over the Romans, nor the dramatic death of Lucrece; not soothsayers' prophecies nor Etruscan portents, nor all the other things which entertain more than they instruct the reader. Instead, this writer deals with princely courts, with the inner life of princes, their plans, commands and actions; and he teaches us, who have noticed the similarity in many respects with our own time, that the same effects may come from the same causes. You will find under a tyrant flattery and treachery not unknown in our age; nothing sincere, nothing straightforward, and not even good faith amongst friends; constant accusations of treason; mass slaughter of good men, and a peace more brutal than war [14] .

Lipsius's interpretation of Tacitus and, in later years, Seneca is thus not merely grammatical or philological, but rather creative, productive and philosophical. In his view on the similitudo temporum, Tacitus provides the theatre of his own bloodstained, war-torn Netherlands of the sixteenth century, while Seneca would offer him the wisdom to cope with this suffering. This humanist recipe together with his exceptional philological skills gained Lipsius an immense success and the full admiration of the German Republic of Letters.

3. Germania: success without succeeding?

Still, his search for an academic position remained without success: neither his dedication of his Tacitus-edition to Emperor Maximilian, nor his dedication of Tacitus's Germania, Agricola and Dialogus de oratoribus to Joannes Sambucus in Vienna [15] , nor his dedication of his philological collection of textual emendations in five books, the Antiquae lectiones, to Thomas Rehdiger, a German nobleman and maecenas from Silesia who lived in Cologne [16] , brought young Lipsius what he had hoped. He returned to his native land, which he soon would leave as well because of the pillaging Spanish troops. In December 1576, a month after the Spanish Fury in Antwerp, Lipsius still announced his Epistolicae Quaestiones and his commentary on Livy to Andreas Ellinger, to whom he also sent a copy of his Antiquae Lectiones and asked to pass his greetings to prince Friedrich Wilhelm, the youngest son of Johann Wilhelm, his former patron in Jena. [17] No reaction from Ellinger has come down to us, but the fact remains that Lipsius, invited by Janus Dousa sr., moved to the Calvinist university of Leiden. [18] Were his German aspirations stowed away forever?

In September 1577 Lipsius dedicated his Electorum liber I, a collection of philological emendations to Tacitus, Livy, Suetonius and others, to Mathias of Austria (1557-1619), the young Archduke who had been educated by Busbecquius and who had been accepted by the rebellious States of Holland as their governor-general two years earlier (on 8 December 1577). [19] In this letter of dedication Lipsius sings the praises of Habsburg monarchy, comparing Archduke Mathias to the Roman Emperor Augustus, a comparison Lipsius had already tried out before while delivering his speech De duplici concordia at Jena University on 26 July 1573. [20] In this anti-Catholic oration, in which the double concord (the one in the University and in the Church) together with Lutheran confession (of Augsburg) is defended: as the Roman Emperor August, Duke August is the gift of Heaven to bring concord to the Christian Church, under whose guidance religion and liberty would flourish in Germany. [21] Still, two incidents disturbed Lipsius's good relationships with German scholars and literati. First, there is the pubication of his Somnium, Lusus in nostri aevi Criticos in 1581, a menippean satire Lipsius already started writing in 1577 [22] and dedicated to Joseph Scaliger. [23] If in his Somnium Lipsius not only followed the long established conventions of visionary literature or the 'oneiric' framework of the dream-genre, it is still more important that he was the first to model his criticism on contemporary philology on both the Varronian tradition of mennipean satire and Seneca's Apocolocyntosis, also known as the Ludus de morte Claudii. [24] In the setting of a meeting of the Roman senate presided over by Cicero and attended by prominent classical authors from antiquity such as Marcus Terentius Varro, contemporary textual criticism is reprehended for its over-zealous emendations and alterations to the texts of classical authors. If Lipsius's restoration of the genre of the menippean satire and his use of the dream-framework was a success in its own right [25] which highly influenced men of letters such as Daniel Heinsius and Francisco de Quevedo, it also roused fierce reactions from many of his contemporaries, especially from Germany. For Lipsius had not only criticized contemporary philology, he also had ridiculed the custom of German Emperors to crown poets who are but 'semibarbari, semigraeci, semilatini' as 'poetae laureati': 'it is not Apollo but the German Emperor who nowadays creates poets', Lipsius uttered. [26] Although a first-rate humanist scholar on account of his outstanding works dealing with textual criticism and antiquity, his editions and commentaries, and though regarded as the great master and the ultimate authority in the Republic of Letters [27] , Lipsius brought Germany's displeasure upon him. Despite the fact that he tried to explain to Franciscus Modius and Paulus Melissus, who had himself been crowned a poeta laureatus in 1564 by Ferdinand I, what he actually meant with this 'inflation' of old titles such as 'poeta laureatus' [28] , and despite the fact that Lipsius sincerely praised the poet Petrus Lotichius Secundus, professor in Heidelberg [29] , copies of his Somnium were confiscated at Frankfurt's book fair [30] and the Germans even wanted to prohibit its spread in the Habsburg Empire. [31]

A second incident is the one with Johannes Domannus from Osnabrück. In the autumn of 1586 Lipsius had made a journey in Oldenburg and Westphalia and he had made mocking comments on the region and its inhabitants in four of his letters. [32] Unlike his statement in his Epistolicae Quaestiones that national characters depend on the climat and that the Germans, like all the other Northern people, have intelligence but no sharp judgement [33] and unlike his famous letter to Philippe de Lannoy from 1578, in which Lipsius pointed out the specific vices of every nation — the Germans having an obsession with banquets and drunkenness [34] —, Lipsius's utterances on Westphalia were taken seriously, the more because Lipsius had included them in his second Centuria of letters of 1590. In order to clear the honour of his country, Domannus immediately published a pamphlet Pro Westphalia ad Cl[arissimum] V[irum] Iustum Lipsium apologeticus (1591), in which he added the four letters and other criminating passages from Lipsius's menippean satire Somnium , Lusus in nostri aevi Criticos (1581), mocking the German Emperor and the coronation of 'poetae laureati'. First, following the advice of Johannes Vivianus sent to him from Aachen [35] , Lipsius refused to react, but finally he decided to defend himself with his old friends Jacobus Monavius (Jacob Monau/Monaw, 1545-1603), jurist, philologist and Latin poet from Breslau [36] , and Henricus Ranzovius (1526-1598), a Lutheran nobleman and humanist who was well acquainted with the printer Christopher Plantin in Antwerp and who was governor of Schleswig-Holstein for the King of Denmark. [37] Monavius was not only an old acquaintance of Lipsius, Abraham Ortelius and Janus Lernutius [38] , it was Monavius as well who in 1591 had already warned Lipsius that Domannus was preparing such a pamphlet. Moreover, Monavius had but recently asked Lipsius to dedicate a planned edition of Quintus Curtius to Jacobus Kurz a Senfftenau [39] , head chancellor of the Empire. The reason was obvious: in these and the following months, Monavius and Lipsius's friend Johannes Matthaeus Wacker would follow Ortelius's advice [40] and write to Kurz personally in order to obtain a privilege for Lipsius's new publications from Emperor Rudolf II, so that there would finally be a watertight regulation concerning the publication of his works. [41] It also deserves attention that it was precisely from Monavius and his Breslau friends Johann Crato von Kraftheim, former imperial court physician, and Andreas Dudith, living in Breslau since 1576 as a member of a circle of Silesian Protestants, that Lipsius had received laudatory letters and comments on his De Constantia (1583/4) [42] and iterated exhortations to publish his Thrasea sive de contemptu mortis, a (Neostoic) treatise on suicide Lipsius had been promising for a long time already. [43] Lipsius not only had met several of Monavius's friends at the imperial court in Vienna in the early '70s, Johann Crato von Kraftheim and Andreas Dudith were also known for their aversion to religious strife and their attachment to Lipsius's Neostoic philosophy. [44] Lipsius's letter of defence to Monavius, however not intended for publication, was soon published and spread in Germany under the title Iusti Lipsii ad Iacobum Monavium epistola, qua ad praecipua apologetici Domanni cuiusdam carptim respondetur (1592). Indignant about the fact that his private letter had been published without his permission, the more because he found this publication still incomplete, Lipsius himself took care for a new and revised publication with Plantin in Antwerp. [45] Out of couresy to the Germans Lipsius replaced all four letters in the following editions of his second Centuria miscellanea with his apology to Monavius — in which he even referred to Erasmus's devastating image of German taverns in his letters to Ulrich Zasius and Germain de Brie [46] —, with two letters concerning the issue to Ortelius and with a letter of warning from the printer to the reader. [47]

In doing so, Lipsius proved once again to respect the decorum and ethical codes of the Republic of Letters. As is widely known, Lipsius had developed a sixth sense for these codes for he had been experiencing the lashes of calumny in the scholarly milieus of his time more than once. [48] Having entered the German Respublica litterarum as a promising philologist in search for an academic position, he converted to Lutheranism; in later years, he openly confessed Calvinism and Roman Catholicism when such 'adaptation', such conforming to his patrons' religion was needed for his humanist being and activity. [49] Still, due to his astonishing philological skills, his new approach of Stoic philosophy and his authoritative erudition in matters concerning antiquity, Lipsius remained the oracle, the Europae lumen et columen in this Republic of Letters, receiving prestigious invitations not only from the Pope, the French King, the Venetian Republic, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the University of Bologna, but also from Christian I, Duke of Saxony, from Wilhelm V, the Duke of Bavaria, and his brother, the Elector of Cologne, and the bishop of Wirtzburg. [50] If his menippean satire Somnium was only reprinted in Germany in 1675, the incident with Domannus and the Westphalians was obviously soon forgotten. [51] Moreover, Lipsius even considered staying in Germany in January 1592! [52]

Besides, also after his return to the Catholic Southern Low Countries young or less young German philologists and historians continued to dedicate their work to him, to ask for his judgment or to request an explanation on a specific passage in some classical author, or to beg for Lipsius's recommendation. Others such as Janus Gruterus, asked for his mediation to have their work published with the Plantin Press. [53] Besides, everyone of them intended to connect his name with that of Lipsius, for whoever wrote a letter to the great scholar would be able to share in his immortal fame because his collected letters would be published one day and ... read by the entire Respublica litterarum [54] !

If it is clearly demonstrated by Lipsius's and other humanists' correspondences that religious and political differences did not restrain men of learning from maintaining scholarly contact, it is also apparent that after Lipsius's return to Louvain, new correspondents, viz. Catholic scholars and humanists, turned up from all over Europa. In addition to new contacts in Russia and Poland, Habsburg correspondents such as Marcus Welser from Augsburg [55] , Andreas Jerin, former bishop from Breslau [56] , Valens Acidalius, since 1593 residing in Breslau [57] , Johannes Matthias Wacker von Wackenfels, who had been the advisor of Jerin in Breslau where he got acquainted with Monavius and Dudith [58] and converted to Roman Catholicism in 1592 [59] so as to inspire Kaspar Schoppe to do the same [60] , Conrad Rittershausen, professor at Altdorf [61] , and Karel Utenhove are to be mentioned. If Karel Utenhove, the former mayor of Ghent then staying in Cologne [62] , and Valens Acidalius are excessive in their public admiration and lofty praise of the humanist who recently returned to Roman Catholicism [63] , Marcus Welser's attempt to get in contact with Lipsius can be called exemplary in its own right. [64] For, as a result of his stay in Italy and his contacts with Gruterus, Scaliger and Casaubon, Welser skilfully combined humanist culture and classical philology, using the philological method as the ancilla of historical source-criticism. [65] In 1590 he had published with the Venetian printing-house of Aldo Manuzio the Inscriptiones antiquae Augustae Vindelicorum and he had also entered into cooperation with Joseph Scaliger's and Janus Gruterus's new Corpus inscriptionum, that summa of late humanist epigraphy. [66] In his new friendship with Lipsius he was looking for the antiquarian scholar and philological expert whom he could ask for information and approval, for sure, but the 'icon' Lipsius was in a way also a reflecting mirror of his personal situation in Augsburg and his own philosophical way of dealing with it. For, being Roman Catholic but tolerant and open-minded in a mainly Protestant imperial city near Counter-Reformation Bavaria, Welser intended to present himself as a humanist historian and antiquarian, thus trying to escape from the pressures of his situation and using Lipsius' Neostoic programme in his search for a via media.

4. Conclusion

Welser, however, was not the only one who was attracted by Lipsius's practical humanist philology and Neostoic programme, his Tacitism and new reading of Seneca, an author with whom Lipsius continued to look for a new synthesis between Christianity and Stoicism. [67] Gerhard Oestreich has perhaps exaggerated the influence of Lipsius's Neostoicism on the political developments in Germany [68] , although it needs to be emphasized that Lipsius's humanist programme was not only to be found in his commentary on Tacitus, his De Constantia, Politica or Monita et exempla politica, all works which found a wide readership and which have been reprinted and translated several times in Germany. [69] In Bavaria, for instance, the admiration for Lipsius was all the vogue: partly due to the fact that as a young man Maximilian I of Bavaria held Lipsius in highest esteem and afterwards directed his government after Lipsian political views [70] , Bavarian libraries — such as the private collection of Sebastian Saurzapf's 'Hofkammerrat [71] and the private library of count Joachim of Ortenburg (1530-1600) [72] — were filled with all of Lipsius's books, Bavarian bookshops sell all of his works [73] and no one less than Adam Contzen, political theoretician and confessor of Maximilian in Munich since 1624, summarized all this in one sentence: 'Omnes plurimum Lipsio debemus'. [74]

To conclude, one must not forget that Lipsius's humanist letter-collections were equally widely read and immensely popular all over Europe: an autograph letter of Lipsius was treasured as a religious relic. Moreover, these published letter-collections were also meant as an 'extension' or 'illustration' of his humanist oeuvre and Neostoic intellectual programme: they showed hundreds of readers how Lipsius tried to elaborate or even to live up this new Stoic philosophy. If Lipsius's highly successful dialogue from 1584, the De Constantia, had shown how he moved to the Stoic doctrine of steadfastness, his published letter-collections illustrated once more how Lipsius and his correspondents moved from philology and letters to a Stoic philosophy harmonized with Christianity. Moreover, they demonstrate how Lipsius wanted to spread his humanist programme of «constancy», virtue and doctrine all over Europe. [75] If one takes a closer look at Lipsius's special letter-collection to the French and the Germans, his Centuria ad Gallos et Germanos [76] — a deliberate move to adjust his public image and to select once again the evidence to be left for his future biographers in order to enhance his own posthumous renown — one is confronted, as in other of his letter-collections, with Lipsius's repeated encouragements in letters which constitute a paraenesis, an exhortation to practise this constancy and this Stoic philosophy which is in fact an instrumentum vitae. Likewise, Lipsius's humanist Leitmotiv turns up again: philology as the attentive study of classical authors in order to collect the treasures of antique wisdom, and philosophy oriented towards a praxis of virtue. These two indissoluble components of Lipsius's humanist educational programme are successfully propagated in his entire oeuvre and are meant to be the solid basis for an engagement in public life in later years. In Germany, like in France, Sweden and Poland, they did not fall on deaf ears: tens of German students overran the University of Louvain where Lipsius interpreted ancient authors and put his genius at the service of the pax Catholica [77] ; these young men, in turn, guided through the study of ancient history and moral philosophy [78] would echo Lipsius's programme as future scholars and leaders of Early Modern Europe.



* Postdoctoral Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research - Flanders (Belgium).

[1] Munich, Staatsbibliothek, Cod. lat. 10369, f. 41 (= ILE II, 84 05 17; Cent. misc., I, 75). In this article we shall refer to the letters of Lipsius by the numeration presented by Aloïs Gerlo and Hendrik D.L. Vervliet, Inventaire de la correspondance de Juste Lipse 1564-1606 (Anvers: Éditions Scientifiques Érasme, 1968), preceded by the abbreviation ILE (Iusti Lipsi Epistolae). In the series of the Iusti Lipsi Epistolae (Brussels, 1978 - ) seven volumes have already appeared. Below reference will be made to Lipsius' own letter-collections and other collections between parentheses using the following abbreviations: Cent. Belg. = Epistolarum Centuriae ad Belgas (Antwerp, 1602); Cent. Germ. = Epistolarum Centuria ad Germanos et Gallos (Antwerp, 1602); Cent. Ital. = Epistolarum Centuria ad Italos et Hispanos (Antwerp, 1601); Cent. misc. = Epistolarum selectarum centuria miscellanea, pars I (Leiden, 1586); pars II (Leiden, 1590); pars III (Antwerp, 1601); pars IV-V (Antwerp, 1605-1607); Ad Suet. = J. Lipsius, Ad Suetonii Tranquilli tres posteriores libros commentarii. Eiusdem epistolarum praetermissarum decades sex (Offenbach, 1610); Sagittarius = T. Sagittarius, Lipsius Proteus, ex antro Neptuni protractus et clari soli expositus (Frankfurt, 1614); Burman = P. Burmannus, Sylloges epistolarum a viris illustribus scriptarum tomi V (Leiden, 1724-1727).

[2] Cf. Hendrik D.L. Vervliet, Lipsius' jeugd, 1547-1578: analecta voor een kritische biografie, Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Vlaamsche Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België, Klasse der Letteren, 31/7 (Brussel: Paleis der Academiën, 1969), pp. 9-12; Jacques Kluyskens, 'Les années passées par Juste Lipse chez les jésuites à Cologne', Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu, 42 (1973), 312-321.

[3] See, for instance, Henry de Vocht, Cornelii Valerii ab Auwater epistolae et carmina, Humanistica Lovaniensia, 14 (Leuven, 1957), pp. 390-391.

[4] ILE I, 72 10 19 (= Sagittarius, 21-22).

[5] ILE I, 72 09 15 H (= Sagittarius, 15).

[6] R. Neidhardt, De Justi Lipsi Vita Jenensi Orationibusque ab eo habitis (Passau, 1893); G. Goetz, 'Justus Lipsius und sein Dekanat in Jena', Beiträge zur thüringischen und sächsichen Geschichte, Festschrift für O. Debenecker (Jena, 1929), pp. 361-370; Sylvette Sué, 'Justus Lipsius' verblijf te Jena aan de hand van zijn briefwisseling en redevoeringen, 1572-1574, Handelingen van de Koninklijke Zuidnederlandse Maatschappij voor Taal- en Letterkunde en Geschiedenis, 22 (1968), 389-410; Vervliet, Lipsius' jeugd, pp. 29-37; Sylvette Sué, 'Nogmaals Lipsius en Jena', Handelingen van de Koninklijke Zuidnederlandse Maatschappij voor Taal- en Letterkunde en Geschiedenis, 26 (1972), 362-386; Meinhof Vielberg, 'Justus Lipsius en Jena', in Justus Lipsius (1547-1606) en het Plantijnse Huis, Publicaties van het Museum Plantin-Moretus en het Stedelijk Prentenkabinet, 37 (Antwerp, 1997), pp. 53-62; Id., 'Folgenreiche Fehlrezeption. Justus Lipsius und die Anfänge des Tacitismus in Jena', Gymnasium, 104 (1997), 55-72.

[7] ILE I, 72 11 17 (= Burman, I, 2, nr. 3) and 73 01 01 (Decades, 113-116, nr. 4). See also, Gerhard Oestreich und Nicolette Mout, Antiker Geist und moderner Staat bei Justus Lipsius (1547-1606). Der Neustoizismus als politische Bewegung, Schriftenreihe der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 38 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1989), p. 45.

[8] ILE I, 72 10 19, lines 5-6 (= Sagittarius, 21): 'Nam me quidem Iena adhuc tenet, non quia magno opere delectet, sed quia haec optima in malis'.

[9] These courses were posthumously published in the Tractatus peculiares octo ad cognoscendam historiam Romanam apprime utiles (Frankfurt, 1609 and 1625) and also inserted in J.-M. Dilherr's Mantissa lib. I apparatus philogicus (Jena, 1632; Nuremberg, 1660). Lipsius's course De nominibus Romanis had already been published before in Cambridge in 1592 in the Tractatus ad historiam Romanam cognoscendam apprime utiles, in which collection Lipsius's treatises De magistratibus veteris populi Romani, De pecunia veterum Romanorum, De ritu conviviorum apud Romanos, De supplicio crucis, De censura et censu and De anno ejusque ratione et intercalatione had been taken up as well. See Ferdinand Vander Haeghen - Marie-Thérèse Lenger, Bibliotheca Belgica: bibliographie générale des Pays-Bas, 5 vols. (Bruxelles: Culture et civilisation, 1964), III, 1098, 1100 and 1106; V. A. Nordman, Justus Lipsius als Geschichtsforscher und Geschichtslehrer. Eine Untersuchung (Helsinki, 1932), pp. 34-35, Herman Bouchery, Waarom Justus Lipsius gevierd?, Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België, Klasse der Letteren, 11/8 (Brussel: Paleis der Academiën, 1949), 53, n. 92.

[10] See Lipsius's second oration (pp. 28-38) in the 1607 edition of Justi Lipsi Orationes Octo Jenae Potissimum Habitae, published at Darmstadt by Balthasar Hofmann (Vander Haeghen - Lenger, Bibliotheca Belgica, III: 1035-1036): Oratio II. Iusti Lipsii Iscani, Habita Jenae Anno 1572. cum Inciperet publice interpretari Cornelium Tactium. See on this public lecture and its wide ranging influence, Arnaldo Momigliano, 'The First Political Commentary on Tacitus', Journal of Roman Studies, 37 (1947), 91-101, reprinted in Contributo alla storia degli studi classcici e del mondo antico (Roma, 1995), I: 35-54.

[11] See E.-L. Etter, Tacitus in der Geistesgeschichte des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts, Basler Beiträge zur Geschichtswissenschaft, 103 (Basel-Stuttgart: Helbing und Lichtenhahn, 1966), pp. 36-44 and 86-100; Richard Tuck, Philosophy and Government, 1572-1651, Ideas in Context, 26 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 45-64.

[12] See, for instance, Lipsius's letter from 1 January 1573 to Joachim Camerarius in Leipzig (ILE I, 73 01 01; ad Suet., 113-116, nr. 4).

[13] See Lipsius's letter to Joachim Camerarius from 2 March 1573 (ILE I, 73 03 02; ad Suet., 117-118, nr. 5) and Lipsius's letter to Ludovicus Camerarius from 11 March 1573 (ILE I, 73 03 11). Lipsius also composed a funeral oration for the deceased duke Johann Wilhelm, which he pronounced in Jena on 21 March 1573. Thanks to Andreas Ellinger, the oration has been published separately in 8° at Jena by Donat Richtzenhan in 1577 as Oratio in Funere Illustrissimi Principis Ac Domini D. Ioannis Guilielmi, Ducis Saxoniae, Landgravij Thuringiae, Marchionis Misniae, habita Ienae a.d. XII. Kal. April. MDLXXIII; reeditions (with omission of Lipsius's Latin verses) in 1601 and Halle 1602, and in 1607 as the first work in the Justi Lipsi Orationes Octo Jenae Potissimum Habitae, published at Darmstadt by Balthasar Hofmann. See also Lipsius's letters to Dorothea-Suzanna, duchess of Saxony (ILE I, 73 05 16 and 73 06 03) and Vander Haeghen - Lenger, Bibliotheca Belgica, III: 1030-1032 and 1035-1036.

[14] ILE I, 74 07 00 M, lines 32-43; C. Cornelii Taciti Opera Quae Exstant I. Lipsius quartum recensuit (Antverpiae, 1588), f. *4. On Lipsius's similitudo temporum, see Etter, Tacitus in der Geistesgeschichte des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts, p. 19 and 57.

[15] ILE I, 74 07 00 M and 74 07 00 S.

[16] ILE I, 74 11 00. Out of gratitude Rehdiger sent Lipsius a cup, cf. ILE I, 75 07 17 (letter from Rehdiger's secretary Gerardus Falkenburgius in Cologne to Lipsius in Overijse). Lipsius thanked Falkenburgius in ILE I, 75 08 01 (= Cent. misc., I, 4).

[17] ILE I, 76 12 14; the original manuscript has been preserved at Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, ms. Guelf. 86, 10 Extr.

[18] ILE I, 78 04 01 (= Cent. misc., I, 27), letter to Janus Lernutius and Victor Giselinus in Bruges.

[19] ILE I, 79 09 17.

[20] On Lipsius's controversial speech De duplici concordia, see now Martin Mulsow, 'Gelehrte Praktiken politischer Kompromittierung. Melchior Goldast und Lipsius' Rede De duplici concordia im Vorfeld der Entstehung der protestantischen Union', in Helmut Zedelmaier - Martin Mulsow (eds.), Die Praktiken der Gelehrsamkeit in der Frühen Neuzeit (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2001), pp. 307-347.

[21] Mark Morford, Stoics and Neostoics: Rubens and the Circle of Lipsius (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), p. 129.

[22] ILE I, 77 04 03, letter to Janus Dousa. See on Lipsius's Somnium, C.L. Heesakkers, 'Two Leiden Neo-Latin Menippean Satires: Justus Lipsius' Somnium (1581) and Petrus Cunaeus' Sardi Venales (1612)', in R.J. Schoeck (ed.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Bononiensis. Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies, Bologna 26 August to 1 September 1979, Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 37 (Binghamton, NY, 1985), pp. 500-509. Modern edition: Two Neo-Latin Menippean Satires: Justus Lipsius: Somnium — Petrus Cunaeus: Sardi venales. Edited with introduction and notes by C. Matheeussen and C.L. Heesakkers, Textus Minores, 54 (Leiden: Brill, 1980).

[23] ILE I, 81 00 00 S.

[24] Ingrid A.R. De Smet, Menippean Satire and the Republic of Letters 1581-1655, Travaux du Grand Siècle, 2 (Genève: Droz, 1996), pp. 87-90.

[25] Lipsius's Somnium was reprinted eleven times between 1581 and 1720; see Vander Haeghen - Lenger, Bibliotheca Belgica, III: 1073-1074 and 1104-1105.

[26] Emperor Rudolf II had crowned Nicodemus Frischlin (1576), Johannes Posthius (1577) and Nicolaus Reusner (1578). See K. Schottenloher, 'Kaiserliche Dichterkrönungen im Heiligen Reiche deutscher Nation', in Papstum und Kaisertum. Forschungen ... Paul Kehr ... dargebracht (München, 1926), pp. 648-673 (esp. pp. 669-71).

[27] See, for instance, Jan Papy, 'Manus manum lavat. Die Briefkontakte zwischen Kaspar Schoppe und Justus Lipsius als Quelle für die Kenntnis der sozialen Verhältnisse in der Respublica litteraria', in H. Jaumann (ed.), Kaspar Schoppe (1576-1649), Philologe im Dienste der Gegenreformation. Beiträge zur Gelehrtenkultur des europäischen Späthumanismus, Zeitsprünge: Forschungen zur Frühen Neuzeit, II/3-4 (Frankfurt/Main: V. Klostermann, 1998), pp. 276-297; Jozef IJsewijn, 'An Admirer of Justus Lipsius. The German Neo-Latin Poet and Philologist Valens Acidalius', Academiae Analecta: Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België. Klasse der Letteren, 45 (1983), 183-206.

[28] ILE I, 81 04 03 (only a manuscript copy of this letter has been preserved at Leiden, University Library, ms. Lips. 3(5), fol. 5) and 82 08 05.

[29] ILE I, 81 05 20 L2 (= Cent. misc., II, 9).

[30] ILE I, 81 06 29 (= Cent. misc., I, 23), letter to Janus Dousa. See also ILE, I, 81 07 01 and 82 00 00 P.

[31] ILE I, 82 11 11 LE2 (= Cent. misc., I, 20), letter to Janus Lernutius in Bruges.

[32] ILE II, 86 10 05 (= Cent. misc., II, 13), letter to Janus Dousa; 86 10 07 C (= Cent. misc., II, 16), letter to Petrus Colvius; 86 10 13 (= Cent. misc., II, 14), letter to Jan van Hout; and 86 10 15 H (= Cent. misc., II, 15), letter to Johannes Heurnius.

[33] Cf. J. Lipsius, Epistolicae Quaestiones, V, 12: 'Germanis plerisque ingenii celeritas et facilitas quaedam insita ad doctrinam numquam defuit, defuit illud acre et politum iudicium. Idem est in illo tractu omni Septemtrionis. At Italis peculiaris est laus iudicii, sicut et populis iis qui pertinent ad Meridiem aut Ortum. Nostra Gallia interiecta media est et, ut Nonius loqui Ciceronem voluit, amborum quasi cinnus'. For a general account of the theories concerning climat, see Frank Lestringant, 'Europe et théorie des climats dans la seconde moitié du XVIe siècle', in La conscience européenne au XVe et au XVIe siècle, Collection de l'École Normale Supérieure de Jeunes Filles, 22 (Paris, 1982), pp. 206-226.

[34] See ILE I, 78 04 03 (= Cent. misc. I, 22): 'Galliam ecce cogitas? levitatem et vanitatem etiam, quae pleraque ea (omni, falso dicam) gente. Italiam? proterviam in ea et libidinem. Hispanias? typhum quemdam, et Africanum fastum. Germaniam? comessationes et ebrietatem'. On Lipsius and Italy, for instance, see also Jan Papy, 'Italiam vestram amo supra omnes terras! Lipsius' Attitude towards Italy and the Italian Humanism of the late 16th Century', Humanistica Lovaniensia, 47 (1998), 245-277 and Id., 'Giusto Lipsio e la Respublica litteraria italiana: ammirazione, ispirazione, delusione?', in Luisa Rotondi Secchi Tarugi (ed.), Rapporti e scambi: tra umanesimo italiano ed umanesimo europeo, Istituto di Studi Umanistici Francesco Petrarca, Mentis itinerarium, Caleidoscopio, 10 (Milano: Nuovi Orizzonti, 2001), pp. 281-298

[35] ILE V, 92 01 19, letter from Vivianus to Lipsius.

[36] ILE V, 92 01 05 M (= Cent. misc., II, 98). Lipsius started his friendship with Monavius in the early '80s; in ILE I, 81 08 02 Monavius thanks Lipsius for sending him a copy of his commentary on Tacitus's Historiae via Abraham Ortelius.

[37] ILE V, 92 01 05 R.

[38] See ILE I, 81 08 02; 82 07 15; ILE II, 84 04 00; 84 08 04 D1; 84 10 31; 84 12 29; 86 07 14; 86 09 07; ILE III, 88 12 10; 89 03 06, [89] 06 05 M; ILE 91 09 17 and ILE V, 92 01 05 M. The correspondence between Lipsius and Monavius would last until 1598 (ILE 98 02 05 M). On Monavius's relationship with Lernutius, see Hendrik Van Crombruggen, Janus Lernutius (1545-1619): een biografische studie, Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België, Klasse der Letteren, XVII/23 (Brussel: Paleis der Academiën, 1955), pp. 35, 162 and 181.

[39] ILE V, 92 01 07.

[40] ILE 91 08 05 O.

[41] ILE 91 12 31; V, 92 03 13 W; 92 08 29; 92 09 02; 92 09 04 W; 92 10 11.

[42] ILE II, 84 03 17; 84 10 08 C. On Lipsius's De Constantia, see Piet H. Schrijvers, 'Literary and Philosophical Aspects of Lipsius's De Constantia in Publicis Malis', in I.D. McFarlane (ed.), Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Sanctandreani. Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies, St Andrews 24 August to 1 September 1982, Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, 38 (Binghamton, NY, 1986), pp. 275-282; Oestreich - Mout, Antiker Geist und moderner Staat bei Justus Lipsius, pp. 69-105; Karl Beuth, Weisheit und Geistesstärke. Eine philosophiegeschichtliche Untersuchung zur "Constantia" des Justus Lipsius (Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1990); Robert Bireley, The Counter-Reformation Prince: Anti-Machiavellianism or Catholic Statecraft in Early Modern Europe (Chapel Hill - London: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), pp. 76-77; Morford, Stoics and Neostoics, pp. 64-66; Jacqueline Lagrée, Juste Lipse et la restauration du stoïcisme. Étude et traduction des traités stoïciens De la Constance, Manuel de philosophie stoïcienne, Physique des stoïciens (extraits), Philologie et Mercure (Paris: J. Vrin, 1994), pp. 59-63; and Adriana McCrea, Constant Minds: Political Virtue and the Lipsian Paradigm in England, 1584-1650 (Toronto: Universtiy of Toronto Press, 1997), pp. 3-24. See also the new edition: Justus Lipsius, De constantia. Von der Standhaftigkeit. Lateinisch-Deutsch. Übersetzt, kommentiert und mit einem Nachwort von Florian Neumann, Excerpta classica, 16 (Mainz: Dieterich'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1998).

[43] See, for instance, ILE III, 88 12 10 (= Cent. misc., II, 59), letter to Abraham Ortelius: 'Monavii amorem in me pridem novi, et nunc ex litteris eius recognovi. Oro, saluta amanter a me virum probum, doctum et gratum mihi inter paucos. De Thrasea meo, tu et ipse urgetis. Quid pollicear? Aliud mihi nunc sub manu...'.

[44] See M.E.H.Nicolette Mout, 'Die politische Theorie in der Bildung der Eliten: Die Lipsius-Rezeption in Böhmen und Ungarn', in J. Bahlcke - H.-J. Bömelburg - N. Kersken (eds.), Ständefreiheit und Staatsgestaltung in Ostmitteleuropa. Übernationale Gemeinsamkeiten in de politischen Kultur vom 16.-18. Jahrhundert (Leipzig, 1996), pp. 243-264 (esp. pp. 248-251); Ead., '"Which tyrant curtails my free mind?": Lipsius and the reception of De constantia (1584)', in Karl Enenkel - Chris Heesakkers (eds.), Lipsius in Leiden. Studies in the Life and Works of a great Humanist on the occasion of his 450th anniversary (Voorthuizen: Florivallis, 1997), pp. 123-140 (esp. pp. 131-132).

[45] Iusti Lipsi Ad Iac[obum] Monavium Epistola. Ipsius permissu correctior nunc edita, cum duabus ad Abr[aham] Ortelium (Antwerp, 1592). See Vander Haeghen - Lenger, Bibliotheca Belgica, III: 934-935. The two letters to Abraham Ortelius are ILE V, 92 01 11 O and 92 06 26.

[46] See Opus epistolarum Desiderii Erasmi, ed. P.S. Allen et al., 12 vols. (Oxford, 1906-1958), epist. 1353 and 2379.

[47] See ILE XIII, 00 10 00, letter to Balthasar Moretus.

[48] See Toon Van Houdt - Jan Papy, 'Modestia, Constantia, Fama. Towards a Literary and Philosophical Interpretation of Lipsius' In Calumniam Oratio', in G. Tournoy - J. De Landtsheer - J. Papy (eds.), Justus Lipsius, Europae lumen et columen. Proceedings of the International Colloquium Leuven 17-19 September 1997, Supplementa Humanistica Lovaniensia, 15 (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1999), pp. 186-220.

[49] Vervliet, Lipsius' jeugd, pp. 34-35; Morford, Stoics and Neostoics, pp. 130-131.

[50] ILE XIII, 00 10 01, lines 151-152 and commentary; and Oestreich, Antiker Geist und moderner Staat bei Justus Lipsius (1547-1606), p. 57.

[51] ILE V, 92 03 26 M (= Burman, I, p. 428, nr. 395), letter from Jacobus Monavius to Lipsius.

[52] ILE V, 92 01 18, letter to Adam Leemput in Würzburg.

[53] ILE II, 86 09 07: Gruterus wanted to have his Carmina printed with the Plantin Press. Other examples: Johannes Adolphus Bock and Otho Guilielmus von Berlebsch (ILE V, 92 01 23).

[54] Cf. R.J.W. Evans, The Making of the Habsburg Monarchy 1550-1700. An Interpretation (Oxford, 1979, p. 25. Evans, Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford — not without exaggeration — states that Lipsius's letters 'were the holy writ of the late Renaissance'.

[55] ILE 91 02 28; ILE V, 92 01 23 W.

[56] ILE V, 92 02 08 J.

[57] ILE V, 92 05 01 A.

[58] Pierre Costil, André Dudith, humaniste hongrois 1533-1589. Sa vie, son œuvre et ses manuscrits grecs, Collection d'études anciennes (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1935), pp. 195-199.

[59] ILE V, 92 08 29; 92 08 31 W; ILE XIII, 00 01 07.

[60] Papy, 'Manus manum lavat. Die Briefkontakte zwischen Kaspar Schoppe und Justus Lipsius als Quelle für die Kenntnis der sozialen Verhältnisse in der Respublica litteraria', p. 284.

[61] ILE 96 08 31; ILE XIII, 00 01 07.

[62] ILE V, [92] 04 02.

[63] See Jozef IJsewijn, 'An Admirer of Justus Lipsius. The German Neo-Latin Poet and Philologist Valens Acidalius', Academiae Analecta: Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België. Klasse der Letteren, 45 (1983), 183-206.

[64] See Jan Papy, 'Lipsius and Marcus Welser: the antiquarian's life as via media', in Marc Laureys, with the assistance of Christoph Bräunl, Silvan Mertens, Reimar Seibert-Kemp (eds.), Towards an intellectual Biography of Justus Lipsius. Proceedings of the Colloquium held at Rome, Academia Belgica, 22-24 May 1997 = Bulletin de l'Institut Historique belge de Rome, 68 (1998), pp. 173-190.

[65] See Bernd Roeck, 'Humanistische Geschichtschreibung im konfessionellen Zeitalter: Marcus Welser und seine Augsburger Chronik', in H. Müller (ed.), Kommentar zur Augspurgischen Chronica 1595 (Augsburg, 1984), pp. 7-31 (esp. p. 20); and Id., 'Geschichte, Finsternis und Unkultur. Zu Leben und Werk des Marcus Welser (1558-1614)', Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 72 (1990), 115-141 (esp. pp. 133-134).

[66] See Anthony Grafton, Joseph Scaliger. A Study in the History of Classical Scholarship. II: Historical Chronology, Oxford-Warburg Studies (Oxford, 1993), pp. 503-505; G. Smend, Janus Gruter, sein Leben und Wirken. Ein Niederländer auf deutschen Hochschulen, letzter Bibliothekar der Alten Palatina zu Heidelberg (Bonn, 1939).

[67] See Jill Kraye, 'Moral philosophy', in Charles B.Schmitt, Quentin Skinner, Eckhard Kessler, Jill Kraye (eds.), The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 370.

[68] Gerhard Oestreich, 'Justus Lipsius als Theoretiker des neuzeitlichen Machtstaate's, Historische Zeitung, 181 (1956), 31-78; Id., Neostoicism and the Early Modern State. Edited by B. Oestreich and H.G. Koenigsberger; translated by D. McLintock, Cambridge Studies in Early Modern History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982); Oestreich - Mout, Antiker Geist und moderner Staat bei Justus Lipsius, pp. 192-193.

[69] Ibid., pp. 192-201; Vander Haeghen - Lenger, Bibliotheca Belgica, III: 1118-1120 (Tacitus); 915-917 (De Constantia); 1040- 1053 (Politica); 1005- 1010 (Monita et exempla politica).

[70] See Heinz Dollinger, 'Kurfürst Maximilian I. von Bayern und Justus Lipsius. Eine Studie zur Staatstheorie eines frühabsolutistischen Fürsten', Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 46 (1964), 227-308.

[71] In the Staatsarchiv für Oberbayern an anonymous catalogue of books has been preserved (StAO: HR 294 Nr 5) which describes this private collection anno 1609. Obviously, of all authors Lipsius is the best represented with no less than twenty of his works, among them even the recently published Monita et exempla politica of 1605. See Dollinger, 'Kurfürst Maximilian I. von Bayern und Justus Lipsius', p. 286, n. 113.

[72] I most cordially thank Prof. Dr. Walther Ludwig for drawing my attention on this collection and for showing me the text of his article, submitted for publication in Humanistica Lovaniensia, 51 (2002): ' "Non cedit umbra soli": Joachim Graf zu Ortenburg als Humanist und Leser von Justus Lipsius'.

[73] ILE 01 07 31 (Burman, II, pp. 79-80, nr. 784), letter from Lipsius's friend Thomas Fienus, court physician in Munich and former professor at Louvain, to Lipsius. On Fienus as physician and professor at Louvain University, see Jan Papy, 'The Attitude towards Aristotelian Biological Thought in the Louvain Medical Treatises during the Sixteenth and early Seventeenth Century: the Case of Embryology', in C. Steel - G. Guldentops - P. Beullens (eds.), Aristotle's Animals in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, Mediaevalia Lovaniensia, I/27 (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1999), pp. 317-337.

[74] Politicorum libri decem, in quibus de perfectae reipublicae forma, virtutibus et vitiis, institutione civium, legibus, magistratu ecclesiastico, civili, potentia reipublicae, itemque seditione et bello, ad usum vitamque communem accomodate tractatur (Mainz, 1620), lib. X, cap. 1, § 1 (p. 738).

[75] See also Jan Papy, 'Le sénéquisme dans la correspondance de Juste Lipse. Du De Constantia (1583) à la Epistolarum Selectarum Centuria Prima Miscellanea (1586)', in Pierre Maréchaux - Michel Simonin (eds.), Aspects du néo-stoïcisme en Europe aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles, Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance (Genève: Droz, 2002) [forthcoming].

[76] Published at Antwerp with Johannes Moretus in the Officina Plantiniana in 1602; a reprint was published in 1605 and 1614. See Vander Haeghen - Lenger, Bibliotheca Belgica, III: 943-944.

[77] Jan Roegiers, 'Justus Lipsius, academicus', in Gilbert Tournoy, Jan Papy, and Jeanine De Landtsheer (eds.), Lipsius en Leuven. Catalogus van de tentoonstelling in de Centrale Bibliotheek te Leuven, 20 september - 17 oktober 1997, Supplementa Humanistica Lovaniensia, 13 (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1997), pp. 19-31 (esp. p. 31).

[78] On Lipsius's Stoic contubernium and the ideal of friendship, see Morford, Stoics and Neostoics, pp. 14-28.



Autor (author): Jan Papy
Dokument erstellt (document created): 2002-08-13
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