Vivat Germania latina, Vivat Latinitas teutonica!

Peter Zeeberg

Heinrich Rantzau (1526-98) and his humanist collaborators

The examples of Reiner Reineccius and Georg Ludwig Froben.

Heinrich Rantzau (1526-98) was an important figure in Northern Europe during the second half of the sixteenth century. He was a wealthy nobleman and an influential statesman within the lands of the Danish king. But what has secured his fame until today is first and foremost his literary and scholarly activities. He was a patron of literature and science on a grand scale, supporting an impressive number of academics all over the German speaking area and the Netherlands. And he was active in the field himself: He wrote Latin poetry and scholarly works, and had them printed either under his own name or in books by his collaborators. [1] It all amounts to a large material of books and prints, both in Latin and German, but mostly in Latin. Rantzau himself never published anything in German. A rather heterogenous material it is, but a material which has one thing in common: Rantzau's name and person is conspicuously present in all of it. Self-promotion is a central element in the whole project. Or as a German scholar phrased it recently: "Heinrich Rantzau scheint über einen ausgeprägten Hang zur Selbstdarstellung verfügt zu haben." [2]

For some years now I have been working on a bibliography of this material, which will hopefully soon be published in print. This bibliography attempts to cover all sides of his activities, i.e. both the books that he himself wrote or had published and the ones that were dedicated to him by others – all in all amounting to around 250 items. In this way I hope to be able to present an overall picture of his activities.

Besides the books and prints themselves, we have an interesting source material in Rantzau's correspondence, a large amount of which has been preserved. [3]

These letters, and also certain other archival material, afford us valua ble information on the actual goings on within the Rantzau circle, not least on how the many books came about: what was his own role in the production of all these books, and what was the role of his various collaborators. That is the theme of the present paper, in which I can of course only look into a few examples.

But first a few words on his life. [4] Heinrich Rantzau was born in 1526 in Holstein at Breitenburg, not far north of Hamburg. His family was one of the most influential noble families in the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein – if not the most influential. These two duchies were closely connected to Denmark. They were not part of the kingdom, but the king of Denmark was also duke of Schleswig and Holstein. And this situation is the background to Rantzau's own position: During most of the second half of the sixteenth century, from 1556 till shortly before his death in 1598 or 1599 (he died on new year's eve), he was the king of Denmark's representative in the duchies, 'Statthalter' as he was termed in German, i.e. governor or viceroy. His own favorite term for his position presumably was the Latin 'Vicarius Regius'. This last may not have been strictly correct as he was the representative of the king, but as a duke. But it did have a flattering sound to it.

Heinrich's father Johann Rantzau had been an equally important figure. He was the general who won the Danish civil war in the 1530'ies, thereby putting king Christian III on the throne and paving the way for the Danish Reformation. As an ardent Lutheran Johann sent his son to Wittenberg to study with Luther and Melanchthon and get a Lutheran humanist education. But as a German nobleman with high aspirations he also sent him to the imperial court of Charles V for several years to learn politics and courtly behaviour. And to get to know the right people.

Heinrich made the most of both parts of his education – as a statesman and administrator, and as a humanist and a patron of humanists. And he knew how to combine the two. To him humanist arts became the central means to show aristocratic excellence. Not all his fellow noblemen could follow him. But to him the combination of ars and Mars became a main theme, both in his life and his literary production. [5]

In one respect the two sides worked together in a very concrete way: One important outcome of his literary activities was that he gradually built a widespread network of humanist correspondents. He had steady contacts with scholars in all parts of Germany, in the Netherlands and in Italy. Among his regular correspondents were such scholars as Georg Braun (Braunius) in Köln (author of the Civitates Orbis Terrarum), Justus Lipsius in Leiden and – not least – David Chytraeus in Rostock, all of whom had wide networks themselves. This extensive correspondence not only served his literary aspirations, but also kept him unusually well informed on political developments throughout Europe. And all of it was put to use in his role as advisor to the Danish king. To the Danish government Rantzau was an important source of information from abroad. [6]

Nevertheless, the literary activities will not have been what his father, the old mercenary general, had aimed at when he sent his son to Wittenberg. And therefore it is quite logical that these activities only started after his father's death. In fact the first book he published was a collection of elogia and epitaphs dedicated to the memory of his father, Vita et res gestae Johannis Rantzovii, which appeared in 4 editions in 1566 and 1567. [7] This book was edited by Rantzau's librarian Martinus Coroneus (Martin Kreye), but presumably the main text of it was written by Heinrich Rantzau himself. [8]

Occasional literature – and primarily funerary literature – is one important side to his activities. The following years saw the publication of a series of epitaphs and elogia or collections of them, commemorating the deaths of his parents, his brother and several of his own children, not to forget king Frederik II of Denmark. In many cases he contributed with poems or prose elogia of his own making. And in some cases the books were even published under his own name.

But this is only a small part of a material which covers many authors and many genres. And many kinds of relationship to the main person, Heinrich Rantzau himself.

Firstly, of course, we have a number of ordinary dedications: Books which Rantzau agreed to take under his patronage and for which he paid the author a fee, but on which he did not have any influence himself. Here you might mention Georg Rollenhagen's German poem Froschmeuseler from 1595 or Lipsius' Ad C. Cornelium Tacitum curae secundae from 1588.

Secondly we have books by others on which Rantzau did have influence. Here I should like to mention Georg Braunius' great topographical work Civitates Orbis Terrarum. Rantzau and Braunius helped each other mutually in many different ways. Braunius acted as Rantzau's agent in his part of Germany. Rantzau supported Braunius financially. Rantzau procured a lot of material for the part of Braunius' work that covered Scandinavia. He commissioned maps, pictures and written descriptions from Danish and Holsatian scholars and sent them on to Braunius. And in return Braunius had to print what he received from Rantzau. At one point Braunius complained that the Danish towns that were described in the material which Rantzau sent him were mere villages compared to for instance the German cities that were treated in the book. [9]

Another characteristic instance is a genealogical work on various noble families, Genealogiae aliquot nobilium in Saxonia, by the Lüneburg scholar Hieronymus Henninges. When this was first published in 1587, it had a dedication to Heinrich Rantzau and the section on the Rantzau family was emphasized typographically and provided with a separate preface and eight poems. [10] In this case we know from a letter that Rantzau had read the manuscript before it was printed and suggested certain alterations. He had also provided the illustrations for the Rantzau part, and presumably also the poetry. Finally he supported the printing financially by buying 25 copies of the book in advance. [11]

Three years later in 1590 the book was reprinted, and this time the Rantzau section had swelled to a rather disproportionate length. The first edition is a sleek folio book of 64 pages. In the second edition more than a hundred pages have been added – and the additions are all in the Rantzau section. In this edition the book has developed into a general description of the Rantzau family and especially the head of the family: Heinrich Rantzau. A large proportion of the additions consists of poetry. The short section with laudatory poems in the first edition has now swelled into an anthology of close to 200 Latin poems on Heinrich Rantzau and his family. [12]

Here again a letter affords us some additional information. Later the same year the author, Henninges, wrote to Rantzau that he had seen in the catalogue from the Frankfurt fair that a new edition of his book had been published in Hamburg. Through a friend he had now got hold of a copy of it, which he liked very much. And therefore he asked Rantzau for a copy for his own library. [13]

This edition, we may conclude, was printed without the author's knowledge – although it was published under his name. In reality it had turned into a book by Rantzau himself, or perhaps more likely by one or more of his collaborators. And thus we have reached the next type of publication: Books commissioned by Rantzau. A similar example, and perhaps the best known Rantzovianum, is Peter Lindeberg's Hypotyposis arcium etc. 'An Outline of Castles, Palaces, Books, Pyramids, Obeliscs, Mills, Wells, Monuments and Epitaphs made by Heinrich Rantzau ... etc.,' which was published in 3 editions between 1590 and 1592. [14] As the title shows, this is a description of Rantzau's possessions. But even more than that it is an anthology of poetry connected to Heinrich Rantzau.

Another kind of books commissioned by Rantzau are many editions of ancient or medieval texts from manuscripts in Rantzau's library which he commissioned from various German scholars. These I shall return to in a moment.

The fourth main type of publication in this rough division are books written by Rantzau himself. Here one might mention a didactic poem on dreams [15] , a treaty on health, De conservanda valetudine, [16] a treatise on warfare [17] , sonm ecollections of poetry [18] , and several textbooks on astrology and chronology, mostly compilations. [19] As early as 1570 he published a historical work on the conquest of Dithmarschen in 1559, published pseudonymously, however. [20] And at the time of his death he had a topographical description of Schleswig-Holstein ready for print. [21]

At the outset I characterised this entire material as an instance of self-promotion or "Selbst-darstellung." This is not to say, of course, that all these books were published for the sake of self-promotion alone. No doubt Rantzau wrote his many books out of a sincere personal interest in the topics that were treated in them. But the material as a whole, the number of books that were printed and the way they were embellished with various material praising Rantzau and his family, makes it clear that scholarship is only one part of the project. And in order to achieve the goal of "Selbst-darstellung" Rantzau saw to it that the books were also distributed to the right people. He bought for himself a number of copies of every book and sent them out as gifts to his friends and contacts throughout Europe. This is evident both from his correspondence and from the extant copies of the books, which often bear a hand-written dedication to some notability in Germany or elsewhere. [22]

This whole production was clearly operated by Rantzau himself. He was in charge, and he knew exactly what he wanted right down to details of editing and printing. But he needed collaborators to do the hard work for him, and for this he made extensive use of his many learned contacts.

One example is the historian Reiner Reineccius (1541–95) who was a professor at the university of Helmstedt. The contact was established in 1583 through a common friend, namely David Chytraeus in Rostock. We have the first letter from Reineccius in which he offers his services to his new patron. In this letter he mentions a couple of books he is working on, and which he evidently hopes to be able to dedicate to Rantzau. [23] But Rantzau had other plans. In his library at Breitenburg he had two manuscripts of medieval chronicles, the chronicles of Albert of Stade and Arnold of Lübeck, which he asked Reineccius to publish if he considered them worth printing. In the same letter he told him that he had himself collected some material on the history of Holstein in German which he would like Reineccius to translate into Latin. [24]

These of course are projects in which Rantzau himself would feature more prominently than in Reineccius' own books, either as the author or as the owner of a manuscript which could be published with the proud words "ex bibliotheca Ranzoviana" on the titlepage. [25] Reineccius, not unreasonably, chose the medieval chronicles: He got the manuscripts to Helmstedt and settled for Albert of Stade. In the following letters we can follow the making of the edition, which evidently did not proceed as quickly as Rantzau expected. In October 1585 Reineccius wrote a long letter, which he started by stating that this was an answer to six letters from Rantzau. In the meantime Rantzau has sent him a copy of the genealogy of the Rantzau family which he wanted Reineccius to include in the book. In reality Reineccius was only just starting work on the edition at this point, but already Rantzau has new plans for similar editions. Reineccius begs him not to send more manuscripts – the titles and a few words on the contents will be sufficient for a start. [26]

A year later when Reineccius had the text ready, Rantzau virtually supervised the printing through his letters: He sent various corrections for the text, he sent some Latin poems of his own to be printed in it, and he sent the block of a wood cut portrait of himself with instructions on where to print it. He ordered a hundred copies for himself, and told Reineccius to negotiate the price for them with the printer. [27] In this connection Reineccius has the following remark: "I understand that Your Greatness would like to have a note inserted on the fact that it has been published at your expense. I have not dared mention this to the printer, though, for he would not have permitted it. And in my opinion it will in fact be more honorific to Your Greatness to have it published at other people's expense than at your own." [28] –This because the book is in itself a Ranzovianum, being an edition of a manuscript from Rantzau's library.

And now that the printer was at work, Rantzau also sent a manuscript for a second book which he wanted him to print. This was a book entitled Methodus describendi Regiones, written by one of Rantzau's clients, a local man from Holstein called Albert Meier. [29] Both this and the edition of Albert of Stade were printed at Helmstedt in the spring of 1587. [30]

This is a rather typical example of Rantzau's use of his clients among German scholars. He supported their work, and in return they worked for him as editors and as his agents in relation to printers and publishers, they supervised the printing, read proofs etc. Several others could be mentioned who worked for Rantzau in similar ways: Georg Rollenhagen in Magdeburg, Heinrich Moller and Andreas Schato in Wittenberg, Braunius in Köln, David Chytraeus and Peter Lindeberg in Rostock and Lipsius in Leiden.

In other cases he would negotiate directly with publishers and printers. Thus for instance a few months after the publication of Albert of Stade, when he sent a letter to the Leipzig bookseller and publisher Henning Grosse (1553-1621): [31]

"... I here send you Methodus describendi Regiones [i.e. Meier's book, which had just been printed in Helmstedt] together with some epitaphs at the death of my daughter Catharina and two copies of the Rantzau arms as well as my portrait. [The arms and the portrait will have been the blocks for the printing of wood cuts, probably the same as had been in use in Helmstedt a few months earlier]. I bid you to print the Methodus in sedecima and place my portrait in front and the small coat of arms at the back. I will pay you one taler pr. sheet. Of this you can send me 50 copies. And you should not be stirred by the fact that it has been printed before, as only a few copies have been printed for my own use, which I have given away, and apart from that none have been sold."

(This may not be completely true. We know that Reineccius had arranged with the printer to print "no more than 500 copies" of Meier's book. [32] On the other hand we do not know how many were in fact printed).

As to the epitaphs, Rantzau writes that they should be printed in such a way that they could be added to another book of epitaphs, also by Rantzau, which Grosse had published several years earlier. [33] And as this will not be as easy to sell, he will pay a higher price for this than for the Methodus. And he wants 10 more copies of the earlier edition for himself. Finally he asks Grosse to return the arms and the portraits when he does not need them any longer.

Grosse and Reineccius are examples of the trusted persons who would act on Rantzau's behalf in other parts of Germany. But even in the cases of the books that Rantzau wrote himself, there will have more persons involved. The manuscripts that were sent to people like Grosse and Reineccius to be printed, will have been edited and made ready for printing by some local collaborator before they were sent off. And this must in most cases have been a highly qualified person with a humanist education.

We have already heard that Rantzau's first book, the collection of elogia to his father, was edited by his librarian, named Martinus Coroneus. Likewise the De conservanda valetudine was edited by a certain Detlevus Sylvius, presumably identical with Rantzau's private secretary Detleff Wolders. But even in these cases next to nothing is known about their background or their work. And for obvious reasons the correspondence does not comprise many letters from such people who belonged to Rantzau's own household.

But in one case a bit more can be said, namely that of Georg Ludwig Froben or Frobenius. He is perhaps best known today from his activities as a publisher and bookseller in Hamburg during the first half of the seventeenth century. But before that he had been active within the Rantzau circle, and was in fact the editor of one of most important ones among Rantzau's many books, namely the Epistolae Consolatoriae from 1593. [34] This, as the title says, is a collection of letters of consolation addressed to Heinrich Rantzau. The occasion for it was the death of Rantzau's son Cai, but in reality the book collected material about a whole series of dead relatives, among whom were his parents and several of his own children. Thus the book becomes both a collection of letters demonstrating Rantzau's network of contacts, and a collection of funerary Ranzoviana summing up material from many earlier publications. Like Lindeberg's Hypotyposis it is in effect a Rantzau anthology.

As with the other local people Froben is not very well represented in the preserved correspondance. But we have another source to his activities within the Rantzau circle, namely a manuscript autobiography written in German which is now preserved at the Royal Library in Copenhagen. This text has never been published, and therefore I shall here give a summary of its contents, emphasising his period in Rantzau's service. [35]

Froben was born at Iphoven near Würzburg in 1566 and died in Hamburg in 1645. He studied at Tübingen and at Wittenberg, and after he had acquired his masters degree in Wittenberg, he became private teacher to the sons of Wilh. Megkbach, chancellor to the Margrave of Brandenburg. He evidently had quite precise aspirations, because when he left Brandenburg he had procured for himself letters of introduction to the great astronomer Tycho Brahe in Denmark and to Heinrich Rantzau.

Froben was particularly interested in astronomy. He therefore first he went to Denmark, to the famous astronomer But his stay there turned out to be something of a disaster. One thing is that he arrived to Tycho's castle Uraniborg at the island of Hven (Ven) after it had been closed for the night and therefore had to spend the night in the open outside the gate. Luckily, he notes, it did not rain. But what was worse was that although Tycho accepted him as a pupil, he offered him such unacceptable conditions – including an obligation to stay for at least six years without any pay – that Froben had to decline the offer. But then Tycho would not let him go! Froben had to sneak away on false pretentions, leaving all of his possessions behind. [36]

Then he went to Rantzau. And there he had much more luck. At his arrival he offered Rantzau what he calls his "promotorial Schreiben" and two texts which he had dedicated to him, namely some astronomical calculations concerning a solar eclipse which had happened that year, and a long hexameter poem on the astrological implications of the same eclipse. [37] These texts have not survived. Probably the were never printed. But they served their purpose. Rantzau was very pleased – as indeed you would expect: The themes fit in very nicely with Rantzau's interests as we know them from his books. Froben was employed as a teacher to two of Rantzau's grandsons who were brought up at their grandfather's house. For this he would receive a yearly pay of 30 Reichstaler plus board and lodging – and none of the conditions that Tycho Brahe had imposed on him. [38] Rantzau even got him his possessions back from Tycho Brahe. The two noblemen were close friends. But when the chest arrived, it had been opened and an astronomical book was missing. [39]

Besides teaching he was expected to serve Rantzau as a secretary. His duties included the writing of letters in both German and Latin, and what else Rantzau would want him to do. Or as he frases it himself: wozu ihr Gestrengheit mich sonst gebrauchen woltte. [40]

As it appears, this other work primarily consisted in assisting Rantzau with his book production. Already during the first year of his stay he was sent to Frankfurt to have a new edition of Lindeberg's Hypotyposis printed at the famous Wechel press. And during the four and a half years he stayed with Rantzau he worked hard editing a series of books. Apart from the Hypotyposis he mentions Rantzau's own Calendarium Ranzovianum, the Epistolae consolatoriae, Rantzau's Tractatus Astrologicus both in 8° and in later on in 4°, his Tractatus Bellicus, his Libellus de Cimbris, and furthermore many short treatises and poems. [41]

Not everything was as Froben could have wished: The first two years he had to eat together with other servants from a common bowl. From New Year 1594 he was invited to Rantzau's own table, but his pay was not raised. On the other hand, in 1594 the Statthalter took him with him to a meeting with the king in Flensburg and made it possible for him to present a book to the king – which fetched him a fee of 20 taler. [42]

Later the same year Froben got an offer of marriage: His colleague, Rantzau's private secretary Detleff Wolders, asked him whether he would consider marrying his niece Margareta Wittemborgs. Froben thought it over, but finally decided that he had to decline the offer. But as he says – and in this uncharacteristic moment of sentiment, his German partly gives way to Latin: vnd kan ich propriā experientia edoctus in warheit sagen quod coniugia sint fatalia. [43] In the following year he was invited to another wedding, where Margareta was present too. And then, as soon as he had met her in person, he was suddenly more than willing to marry her. Within a week he tells Rantzau of his plans and asks him to act as a father to him, as his own family is so far away. Rantzau agrees to do that, and a great wedding is arranged. Froben even gives a lists of all the guests who were invited. More than 200 in all, including Rantzau himself, his wife and all their sons and daughters. After that is given a list the guests that actually came to the wedding, namely around 50 persons. The Rantzau family was represented by Rantzau's secretary, the bride's uncle, Detleff Wolders. And the wedding was held at the castle Wandesburg in present day Hamburg, which Heinrich Rantzau had farmed out to Wolders. [44]

Now that Froben was a married man he left Rantzau's service. He and his bride moved in with Wolders at Wandesburg, and soon he took over the lease of the castle after Wolders. [45] He stayed at Wandesburg till Rantzau died in 1598, at which point he moved to Hamburg and began the activities in the book trade for which he is known today.

I have spent some time recounting this story because the autobiography is unpublished and – to my knowledge – unknown among Rantzau-scholars. And in its own modest way it gives us a rare glimpse of the life of the professional humanists who made Rantzau's many books possible.

In this connection the most important piece of information to be derived from this text is the fact that Froben was actually involved in the production of so many books. And indeed so many books for which he has not been credited either on the title page or otherwise. During the four and a half year he worked for Rantzau one major book, the Epistolae consolatoriae, one poem on a lunar eclipse and one short collection of occasional poetry were published in his name. [46] But according to his autobiography he actually edited eight major publications and a number of minor prints. Apart from the Epistolae consolatoriae the major publications were all published in Rantzau's name. Most of them contain poems by Froben, laudatory poetry praising Rantzau as the author, but in none of them it is mentioned that Froben was the actual editor. Especially in the case of the Tractatus Astrologicus, which is a compilation of texts on astrological themes, he may well have done more than the final editing. But we cannot say how much. He was employed as a teacher, but in reality he must have spent a large part of his working time editing Rantzau's books as a sort of humanist in residence. Others must have performed similar tasks before and after him. We know a number of names and scattered details of who did what, and not much more. But in the case of Georg Ludwig Froben the autobiography affords us a picture which is a little more coherent.

Rantzau himself was deeply involved in the production of the many books that emerged from his 'circle'. He seems to have had quite clear ideas of which books he wanted to publish or support, and of how he himself should be presented in them. As we have seen, he personally saw to it that the blocks for the wood cuts were sent around from one German town to another so that his portrait and his coat of arms could appear in all the books. But still much was left to others. For this at least at times he employed his own highly qualified secretaries, such as Georg Ludwig Froben. But in reality he used his many learned contacts within the academic world in much the same way, as we have seen it in the case of Reiner Reineccius. The result was an impressive output of books and prints that all contributed to the picture of a learned Latin nobleman and a generous Maecenas.

[1] On Rantzau's literary activities see Dieter Lohmeier: "Heinrich Rantzau und die Adelskultur der frühen Neuzeit." Arte et marte: Studien zur Adelskultur des Barockzeitalters in Schweden, Dänemark und Schleswig_Holstein. Ed. Dieter Lohmeier. Kieler Studien zur deutschen Literaturgeschichte, 13. Neumünster 1978. pp. 67-84, and id.: "Heinrich Rantzau und die Anfänge der neulateinischen Literatur in Schleswig-Holstein." Humanismus im Norden. Frühneuzeitliche Rezeption antiker Kultur und Literatur an Nord- und Ostsee. Hrsg. von Thomas Haye. Chloe 32. Amsterdam 2000. pp. 43-61. (Both present extensive overviews of the Heinrich Rantzau-literature). Peter Zeeberg: "Heinrich Rantzau (1526-1598), a Literary Maecenas between Denmark and Germany." Reformation and Latin Literature in Northern Europe. Edited by Inger Ekrem, Minna Skafte Jensen and Egil Kragerud. Oslo 1996. pp. 138-150. Id.: "The Literary Patronage of Heinrich Rantzau (1526-1598)." Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Barensis ed. Rhoda Schnur et al. (Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 184). Tempe, Arizona 1998. pp. 592-98.

[2] Bernd Schedlitz: "Itzehoe während des Ständesstaates und unter dem Frühabsolutismus (1524-1660)." Itzehoe. Geschichte einer Stadt i Schleswig-Holstein. 1: "Von der Frühgeschichte bis 1814." Red. Jürgen Ibs. Itzehoe 1988. pp. 62-80, here: p. 63.

[3] The principal collections of Rantzau letters are: Three volumes of original letters in the National Library of Vienna (Cod. Vindob. 9737 l-n), one volume of copies at the University Library of Kiel (S. H. 388), one at Schloß Breitenburg, and one at the University Library of Göttingen (prid. 8, Bd. IX, 2. T). To these should be added the printed collection: G. L. Frobenius: Epistolae consolatoriae regum, principum, comitum, baronum, nobilium aliorumque clarissimorum et doctissimorum virorum ad Hericum Ranzovium ... opera et studio M. Georgii Ludovivi Frobenii collectae. Frankfurt a. M. (Wechel) 1593. Wittenberg (Axinus) 1593. Frankfurt a. M. (printer not mentioned) 1595.

[4] The fundamental treatment is Johannes Moller's in Cimbria Literata sive Scriptorum Ducatus utriusque Slesvicensis et Holsatici ... historia literaria. Hauniae 1744. The best modern biographical overview is Johanne Skovgaard's in Dansk biografisk Leksikon (2nd ed.), vol. 19, København 1940, pp. 135-145 (repr. in Dansk biografisk Leksikon (3d ed.), vol. 11, København 1982, pp. 622-627). The only book-length study is Wiebke Steinmetz: Heinrich Rantzau (1526-1598) ein Vertreter des Humanismus in Nordeuropa und seine Wirkungen als Förderer der Künste. (= Europäische Hochschulschriften, Reihe 28, Bd. 125.). Frankfurt a. M. 1991. This specifically deals with his activities as a patron of art, but also contains a detailed biographical introduction.

[5] For this theme see Lohmeier 1978 (note 1), cf. also Zeeberg 1998 (note 1).

[6] Otto Brandt: Heinrich Rantzau und seine Relationen an die dänische Könige. Eine Studie zur Geschichte des 16. Jahrhunders. München/Berlin 1927. Reimer Hansen: "Heinrich Rantzau als Politiker." Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Schleswig-Holsteinische Geschichte 97, 1972, pp. 15-38. Neumünster 1972. Johann Peter Wurm: "Heinrich Rantzau's Korrespondenz mit Heinrich Sudermann als Schüssel zu seinen und des dänischen Königs europäischen Friedens-Initiativen von 1586 und 1591." Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Schleswig-Holsteinische Geschichte, 125, 2000, pp. 9-28.

[7] (Martinus Coroneus): Vita et res gestæ Johannis Rantzovii. Lübeck (Richolff) 1566. Rostock (Lucius) 1566. Wittenberg (Krafft) 1567. Frankfurt a. M. (Braubach) 1567.

[8] Friedrich Bertheau: "Heinrich Rantzau als Humanist." Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Schleswig-Holsteinische Geschichte, 18, 1888, pp. 133-96, here: p. 182. Zeeberg 1998 (note 1). And the introduction to my bibliography, forthcoming.

[9] On the collaboration bethween Rantzau and Braunius see especially Johanne Skovgaard: "Georg Braun und Heinrich Rantzau." Nordelbingen 15, 1939, pp. 100-125.

[10] Genealogiae aliquot nobilium in Saxonia ... Collectæ opera et studio M. Hieronymi Henninges Lunæburgensis Ecclesiastæ. s.l. 1587.

[11] Letters from Henninges to H.R. 6. Febr. 1586, Cod. Vindob. 9737 l, p. 53 (printed: Steinmetz 1991 (note 4), p. 509, and: 3 April 1587, Cod. Vindob. 9737 l, p. 199 (printed: Steinmetz 1991, p. 510).

[12] Genealogiae aliquot nobilium in Saxonia ... Collectæ opera et studio M. Hieronymi Henninges Lunæburgensis Ecclesiastæ. Hamburg (Wolff) 1590.

[13] Letter from Hier. Henninges, 13 Febr. 1591, Cod. Vindob. 9737 m, p. 137 (printed in Steinmetz 1991 (note 4), 517, 3.12).

[14] Peter Lindeberg: Hypotyposis Arcium, Palatiorum, Librorum, Pyramidum, Obeliscorum, Molarum, Fontium, Monumentorum, & Epitaphiorum. Rostock (Myliander) 1590, Hamburg (Wolff) 1590, reissued 1591, Frankfurt a. M. (Wechel) 1592.

[15] Heinrich Rantzau: De somniis. Rostock (Myliander) 1591 (previously published in Rantzau's Epitaphia in obitum patris (Leipzig 1584), and in Michael Boiemus' Historia de somniis eorumque eventibus (Wittenberg 1587).

[16] Heinrich Rantzau: De conservanda valetudine. Leipzig (Steinmann) 1576. Many reprints and translations.

[17] Heinrich Rantzau: Commentarius Bellicus. Frankfurt a. M. (Palthenius) 1595.

[18] Heinrich Rantzau: Epitaphia in obitum patris. Leipzig (Deffner) 1584. Id.: De origine Cimbrorum. S.l. 1594. (Previously printed in: Peter Lindeberg: Hedysmata. Hamburg (Steinbach) 1592).

[19] Heinrich Rantzau (ed. Theophilus Sylvius): Catalogus imperatorum. Antwerpen (Plantin) 1580. Leipzig (Steinmann) 1581. Leipzig (Deffner) 1584. Third ed. under the title Exempla quibus astrologiae certitudo comprobatur. Köln (Cholinus) 1585. Id.: Ranzovianum Calendarium. Hamburg (Wolff) 1590. Enlarged 2nd ed.: Diarium sive Calendarium Romanum (secunda editio). Wittenberg (Axinus) 1593 (also under the title of: Opusculum astronomicum. Wittenberg (Axinus) 1593). Hamburg (Jandechius) 1594. Hamburg (Lucius) 1596. Leipzig 1596. Id.: Tractatus astrologicus. Frankfurt a. M. (Wechel) 1593. (Wittenberg), (Meissner), 1594.

[20] Christianus Cilicius Cimber (= Heinrich Rantzau): Belli Dithmarsici descriptio. Basel (Regius) 1570. Strassburg (Jobin)1574. Also reprinted in Albert Krantz: Regnorum Aquilonarium Chronica. Frankfurt (Wechel) 1575 and 1583.

[21] Cimbricae Chersonesi descriptio nova. See Lohmeier 2000 (note 1), p. 60. This work was printed in E. J. v. Westphalen: Monumenta inedita rerum Germanicarum ... I, Leipzig 1739. A new edition with a German translation has been published in Heinrich Rantzau (1526-1598), Königlicher Statthalter in Schleswig und Holstein. Ein Humanist beschreibt sein Land. Ausstellungskatalog Schleswig: Landesarchiv Schleswig-Holstein 1999 (=Veröffentlichungen des Schleswig-Holsteinischen Landearchivs 64) 1999, pp. 95-301.

[22] A list of known recipents to such gift copies will be printed in my bibliography, forthcoming.

[23] Letter from Reinerus Reineccius, 14 March 1583, ms. Breitenburg, p. 175.

[24] Letter to Reineccius, 15 Feb. 1584, copy at the Royal Library Copenhagen Add. 264 fol.

[25] Several other such editions were published: De gemmis scriptum Evacis. Wittenberg (Schwenck) 1574. Repr. Lübeck (Balhorn) 1575. Leipzig (Deffner) 1585. Paulus Alexandrinus: Eisagoge eis ten apotelesmatiken. Wittenberg (Lehmann) 1586. Repr. ibid. 1588. Heinrich Rantzau (ed.): Editio duorum librorum Macri. Hamburg (Wolff) 1590. Leipzig (Steinmann) 1590. Franciscus Patricius: Magia philosophica. Hamburg (Wolff) 1593. Erpold Lindenbrog (ed.): Adami Historia ecclesiastica. Leiden (Plantin) 1595.

[26] Letter from Reineccius, 12 Oct. 1584, ms. Breitenburg, p. 263.

[27] Letter from Rantzau, undated [presumably 1586] Cod. Vindob. 9737 n, p. 260. Letter from Reineccius, 17 Dec. 1586, Kiel UB, S.H. 388, p. 58.

[28] Intelligo M.tiæ T. placere, vt ej mentio inseratur, editos impensis ipsius. Ego verò hac de re verba facere ad typographum ausus non sum: neque enim permisisset. Et mea quidem opinione honorificentius M.T. fore videtur alienis potius quam ipsius sumptibus euulgatos. Letter from Reineccius, 28 July 1586, Cod. Vindob. 9737 l, p. 98.

[29] Letter from Reineccius, 12 Jan. 1587, Kiel UB, S.H. 388, no 66, p. 63. Albert Meier (1528-1603) was the vicar of Lindholm in Schleswig, but had in his youth had plans of an academic career, se biography by H. F. Rørdam in Dansk biografisk Lexikon, ed. C. F. Bricka, Kjøbenhavn 1887-1905, vol. 11, pp. 219-220. His book Methodus describendi regiones, urbes et arces, Helmstedt (Lucius) 1587, was reprinted in1588 (Leipzig, Lamberg) and in 1591 (in: Peter Lindeberg's De praecipuorum numerorum nobilitate. Rostock), and further five times during the 17th century. An English translation appeared in 1589.

[30] Reinerus Reineccius (ed.): Chronicon Alberti, Abbatis Stadensis. Helmstedt (Lucius) 1587.

[31] Letter to Henning Grosse, Segeberg, 18 Sept. 1587, Cod. Vindob. 9737 l, p. 283. Printed in Steinmetz 1991 (note 4), p. 513 (3.5). On Grosse, see: Rudolf Schmidt: Deutsche Buchhändler. Deutsche Buchdrucker. Beiträge zu einer Firmengeschichte des deutschen Buchgewerbes. Berlin 1902-1906. (Repr. Hildesheim/New York 1979), pp. 337-78.

[32] ... sic vt exemplorum numerus 500 non excederet. Letter from Reineccius to H.R., 4. March 1587, Cod. Vindob. 9737 l, p. 185.

[33] Heinrich Rantzau: Epitaphia in obitum patris. Leipzig (Deffner) 1584

[34] See note 3.

[35] Bruchstück aus der eigenhändig geschriebenen Lebensgeschichte Herrn Georg Ludwig Froben ... Royal Library Copenhagen: NKS 2596 fol. The manuscript is incomplete, but has a later pagination covering both this text and a number of other documents concerning the Froben family, mostly dating from the 18th century. The text begins abruptly in the middle of a sentence on p. 1 and ends with the year 1600 (explicit: "... Volget also das 1600 Jahr.") on p. 137. As the rest of p. 137 and p. 138 are blank, Froben presumably never wrote more. The extant part of the text covers Froben's life from his 12th year. According to a marginal note on p. 1 it was written in may 1604. The fundamental treatment of Frobens biography is F. L. Hoffmann: Der gelehrte Buchhändler Georg Ludwig Frobenius in Hamburg. Biographisches. Verzeichniss seiner Schriften. Hamburg 1867. Hoffmanns treatment is based on a genealogical work in the possession of the Froben family, clearly written by someone who had access to the autobiography.

[36] Royal Library Copenhagen: NKS 2596 fol., pp. 29-40. This passage (Brandenburg and Hven) has been translated into Danish in: Bartlett R Butler & J. R. Christianson: "Georg Ludwig Frobenis hos Tycho Brahe på Hven, 15. maj - 29. juni 1591." Magasin fra Det kongelige Bibliotek og Universitetsbiblioteket I, 4/2 1989, pp. 51-57.

[37] Ibid. p. 40.

[38] Ibid. p. 41

[39] Ibid. p. 42.

[40] Ibid. p. 41.

[41] Ibid. p. 45. For the books cf. notes 17-19 ("libellus de Cimbris" must be De origine Cimbrorum, note 18).

[42] Ibid. p. 43.

[43] Ibid. p. 49.

[44] Ibid. p. 50 sqq. List of guests (followed by a list of presents): p. 68 sqq.

[45] Ibid. p. 92 sqq. including transcript of the lease contract.

[46] G. L.Frobenius: Elegia in eclipsin lunae, Hamburg, 1592. (Extremely rare, but one copy is in the possession of the present duke von Rantzau at Breitenburg, cf. Heinrich Rantzau (1526-1598), Königlicher Statthalter in Schleswig und Holstein. Ein Humanist beschreibt sein Land. Ausstellungskatalog Schleswig: Landesarchiv Schleswig-Holstein 1999 (=Veröffentlichungen des Schleswig-Holsteinischen Landesarchivs 64) 1999, no. 163). G. L.Frobenius: Threnus et epitaphia in obitum Sophiae Rosencrantiae. Hamburg 1594. Repr. with some alterations as Threnodia Sophiae Rosencranziae. Wittenberg 1594.

Autor (author): Peter Zeeberg
Dokument erstellt (document created): 2002-08-13
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