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Germania latina - Latinitas teutonicaAusführliches Programm |
Lateinisches Deutschland - Deutsche Latinität: Politik, Wissenschaft, humanistische Kultur vom späten Mittelalter bis in unsere Zeit
Latin Germany - German latinity: Politics, Science, Humanist Culture from the late Middle Ages to the Present
Bitte beachten Sie: soweit nicht anders angegeben finden alle Kongress-Teile im Hauptgebäude der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München statt.
Please note: unless stated otherwise the rooms for all events are located in the Central Building of Ludwig-Maximilians-University Munich
Anmeldung der eingeladenen Vortragenden beim Tagungsbüro
Check-in of the invited speakers at the Conference Office
· Begrüßung, · Grußworte, · Bemerkungen zum Tagungsablauf in Hörsaal 201
· Hello to the participants, · addresses, · information concerning the program and practical matters in lecture room 201.
Die Kongreß-Thematik berührt sowohl sprachgeschichtliche als auch fundamentale komplexe Dimensionen der deutschen Geistes- und Kulturgeschichte vom Spätmittelalter bis zur Gegenwart, - ein Vorhaben, das interdisziplinäres Zusammenwirken erfordert. Der Untersuchungsbereich dessen, was als lateinisch-deutsche Sprach- und Kulturlandschaft bezeichnet werden kann (es geht hier nicht primär um politische Formationen, deren Rahmenbedingungen aber stets wirkungspräsent waren), bildet einerseits einen integrativen Teil Europas, d.h. desjenigen Geschichtsraumes, der bekanntlich vier epochalen Phänomenen in unterschiedlicher Intensität seine Prägung verdankt: Beim Übergang zum Mittelalter durch Antike als hochstehende Schriftkultur mit ausgeprägter wissenschaftlicher Terminologie, und keltisch-germanisches Altertum mit vorwiegend langandauernden analphabeten Entwicklungsstufen; beim Übergang in die Moderne stufenweise durch Humanismus und Aufklärung, wobei Etappen der "Querelle des antiques et des modernes" wirksam waren. Deutschland weist andererseits eine eigentümliche Kulturgestalt auf, die sprach- und somit auch denk-historisch länger als in anderen europäischen Ländern doppelgleisig (lateinisch-volkssprachlich) verlief; also anders als in den (Latein-derivaten) romanischen Sprachkulturen, aber auch anders als in der angelsächsischen und skandinavischen Welt ohne wesentliche römische Grundlagen, wo Latein teils als deutscher Import bekannt wurde.
Bedenkt man dazu, daß Sprache grundsätzlich mehrere Funktionen haben kann - a) mündliche Alltags-Verständigung, b) schriftliche Kommunikation in verschiedenen Ausdrucksformen, außerdem in ungedruckter oder/und gedruckter Überlieferung mit jeweils spezifischem Publikum, c) Rezeption (einschließlich Übersetzung) mit hermeneutischer Interpretation und (Traditions-) Übermittlung - so zeigt sich die außerordentliche Vielschichtigkeit der Thematik. "Latinität" kennzeichnet qualitativ mehr und quantitativ anderes als nur den mehr oder minder versierten (oralen, literalen) Gebrauch der lateinischen Sprache; Latinität ungreift eine nachhaltige Kulturform.
Mein Vortrag kann zum differenten Spektrum der Sektionen natürlich keine "Einführung" geben (die sich vermessen "schlauer" dünken würde, als das Symposium selbst). Ich möchte lediglich folgende Fragen, die sich mir aus Neugierde spontan aufdrängen, ohne festgelegte Reihenfolge und nur exemplarisch begründen.
(1) Welche Rolle spielte das mittelalterlich-christliche Fundament, das sich über mehrfache Rezeptionswellen (aus römischen, griechischen, arabischen Quellen) eigenständig als Übersetzungskultur (z.B. Bibel) fortentfaltet hatte?
(2) Welche Verändungen brachte die neuartige Fortschrittsidee seit dem Renaissance-Humanismus und seit der Konfessionsspaltung für die Funktionen von Latinität und Volkssprache als Schul- und Kulturträgern?
(3) Wie läßt sich die langzeitig dominante Rolle der Latinität in Deutschland periodisieren? Und wie differenzierte sie sich ständisch-sozial?
(4) Wie wirkte sich die latente Spannung zwischen scholastischem Latein und Humanisten-Latein aus für Politik, Wissenschaft und "Bildung"?
(5) Wie gestaltete sich das Verhältnis bzw. die Wechselwirkung von oralen und literalen Rezeptionsweisen bzw. Informationskulturen in den beiden Sprachwelten? Inhaltliche Parallelität - Integration?
(6) Welche Kriterien oder Gründe bewirkten Konzepte oder reale Entwicklungen von über-nationalen Wissenschaftssprachen?
(7) Wie hat sich nach Rückzug der Latinität auf Lernfächer sowie Kondensationen in Wissenschaftssprachen (in welchen?) das Verständnis von Bildung gewandelt?
(8) Wann und wie vollzogen sich - am Beispiel von Latinität und Nationalsprachen - Übergänge von Sprache als Kommunikationskultur zur Sprachwissenschaft?
Empfang für die eingeladenen Vortragenden des Kongresses in der "Halle Nord"
Reception for the of the invited speakers in the "Halle Nord"("Northern Hall")
Humanistic Latin was the second language in the German speaking territories during early modern times (ca. 1600-1800). The paper will discuss, how this situation originated and how it developed, further who - in various degrees - was able to read, speak and write that language and where, when and for which purposes Latin was then used. These questions are not yet suffiently and systematically investigated. The paper will give - sometimes tentative - answers, will illustrate them by representative examples and surprising new observations, and will show strategies for further explorations. It is its aim to envisage Latin in its European context as an integral and necessary element of all aspects and branches of early modern German culture.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
Um die Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts erscheinen kurz hintereinander drei lateinische Traktate über Frauen in deutschen Übersetzungen: Cornelius Agrippa "Vom Adel und Fürtreffen Weibliches geschlechts" (1540), Giovanni Boccaccio "Ein schöne cronica oder hystori buch von den fürnämlichsten Weybern So von Adams seyten an geweßt" (1541) und Juan Luis Vives "Von underweysung ayner christlichen Frauen drei Bücher" (1544). Anhand dieser Texte und ihrer Rezeption soll untersucht werden, wie die "Querelle des femmes" im deutschsprachigen Raum rezipiert und weitergeführt wurde. Dabei wird auch ein Blick auf die später erschienene Übersetzung des anonym veröffentlichten Textes "Ob die Weiber Menschen seyn, oder nicht" (1618) nötig sein.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
Es geht um Wechselwirkung und Ablösungsvorgänge beider Sprachen und um die Schwierigkeit, die Termini von der einen Sprache in die andere zu bringen. Die beiden Haupttexte, an denen ich die Probleme erläutern will, sind Hildegards "Physica" und Konrads von Megenberg "Buoch von natürleichen Dingen". Bei Hildegard (12. Jh.) kommt es mir auf die Textumwandlungen im 14. und 15. Jh. an, die eine deutliche Tendenz zur Latinisierung der zahlreichen deutschen Termini aufweisen. (Die Editio princeps ist dann konsequent lateinisch.). Auf der anderen Seite ist jedoch der deutsche Untergrund so wirkungskräftig, dass nicht selten die Genera der Vorlage durchschlagen: mhd. deig wird durch pasta ersetzt, aber das Genus der deig steckt so im Kopf, dass der Redaktor fortfährt et alium para (anstatt aliam scil. pastam). Umgekehrt dringt bei Megenberg das Lateinische durch den deutschen Text, wenn er zu allen Gegenständen, die er nicht kennt, einfach ein Lehnwort bildet: "bachad heißt ein Vogel", gebildet aus dem Schreibfehler seiner Vorlage de bachate statt de barliate "von der Barnikelgans". Worauf es mir ankommt, ist das gegenseitige Geben und Nehmen sowie die Schwierigkeit der Verständigung in einem Bereich, in dem man auf Autoritäten angewiesen war, sich nicht genau auskannte, aber dennoch Erkenntnisse gewinnen wollte. Hildegard setzt in den lateinischen Text deutsche Worte ein, um Eindeutigkeit zu erzielen; die späteren Redaktoren ihres Werks tilgen (fortschreitend) die deutschen Wörter aus demselben Grund der Erzielung von Eindeutigkeit.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 302.
Seit der Entstehung des Apothekerberufes im mittelalterlichen Europa - also etwa seit den Constitutiones (1231) Friedrichs II. - war dessen Ausübung stets und überall an den Umgang mit der lateinischen Sprache gebunden, deren Beherrschung sich aus verschiedenen Gründen als notwendig erwies: Zum einen stellte sie die unabdingbare Voraussetzung für das Verständnis der Fachliteratur und namentlich der Arzneibücher dar, die sich bekanntlich noch im 19. Jahrhundert des Lateins bedienten; zum anderen bildete sie die ebenso unverzichtbare Grundlage für die hauptsächlich über das Rezept erfolgende Kommunikation mit den Ärzten, die diesen Legitimationsnachweis denn auch immer wieder einforderten bzw. dessen Mangel nicht minder nachdrücklich monierten. Die Kenntnis und kontinuierliche Pflege der 'lingua latina' erhob den Apotheker zugleich über andere Handwerksberufe und führte im Rahmen der Apothekenpraxis zur Ausprägung einer spezifischen Fachsprache, die sich in Resten bis heute erhalten hat. Auch wenn diese gegenüber der - gleichfalls auf dem graeko-lateinischen Vokabular basierenden, heute jedoch zunehmend englischen - Terminologie der wissenschaftlichen Pharmazie nur mehr eine sehr bescheidene Rolle spielen, gilt das sog. Apothekerlatein in der Laienöffentlichkeit häufig noch immer als traditionsbedingtes Charakteristikum eines Heilberufs, dem die alte Sprache über ein halbes Jahrtausend lang durch die tägliche Übung vertraut gewesen war.
From the very beginning of the apothecaries' profession in Mediaeval Europe, i.e. since the Constitutiones (1231) of Emperor Frederic II at the latest, a good command of the Latin language and especially of the medical Latin used both in pharmacopoeias and in physicians' prescriptions was universally considered an indispensable prerequisite for anyone intending to become a responsible apothecary. That is why the physician's first question when evaluating an apothecary used to be "Does he know Latin properly?". Indeed it was knowledge of this ancient language which helped to raise the apothecary's business above the level of a humble handicraft and produced a specific terminology through use in everyday practice. Although in the course of the 20th century this so-called apothecaries' Latin has been almost wholly superseded by the modern terminology of scientific pharmacy, i.e. increasingly by English terms, even today many people continue to regard this kind of Latin as a traditional characteristic of a healing profession which has cultivated the lingua latina for over half a millennium.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 315.
The early neo-humanist, Christian Gottlob Heyne (1729-1812), produced the most significant edition of Virgil in the eighteenth century. His first edition (1767-75) enjoyed such success that he produced a second (1787-89) as well as a third edition (1803), not to mention special editions for schools and other special audiences. Goethe was so taken by it that he wished to study in Göttingen, where Heyne taught, at the great man's feet, and the aged Edward Gibbon to console himself for the neglect in England of the young Gibbon's comments on Book 6 of the Aeneid notes Heyne's approval of them. In addition, Heyne has had a lasting effect on all subsequent editors of Virgil. Despite the subsequent importance of his edition for Virgil scholarship, this paper seeks to examine why it so singularly failed to arrest or deflect the German alienation from Virgil, and the Latin heritage more generally, in the later eighteenth and early nineteenth century. It argues that the effect of his edition is rather to hasten this process. It is, thus, the intention of this paper to assess neither Heyne's textual criticism nor his commentary on Virgil, but instead to examine, firstly, how Heyne's phrasing of his task in the prefatory materials to his edition brought the study of Virgil into relation to the intellectual and cultural concerns of the day, and secondly, importance of this for the German understanding of Virgil.
Heyne produces his edition not out of any great love for Virgil but out of a desire to demonstrate the utility of the new, neo-humanist method of reading texts. He chooses for this demonstration the principal school author of the age, namely Virgil. In the prefaces to the various volumes and the introductory essays to the individual works, he both gives an account of this enterprise and relates his author to the larger intellectual and literary interests of his contemporaries. While Heyne formally retains the concentration upon genre familiar from the older poetics, he incorporates into it the new concern for nature and simplicity. In this fashion he shows himself a perceptive reader of Winckelmann and Lessing.
With respect to the Aeneid and the Eclogues, Heyne largely sums up the aesthetic thinking of earlier eighteenth century. However, with regard to the Georgics, he shows greater originality. He there develops a concept of style, learnedness and Alexandrian poetics that calls into question the excellence of what was for the eighteenth century Virgil's best poem. The canonical status of epic notwithstanding, the eighteenth century found the Georgics easier to accommodate to its taste. Dryden, Haller, Lessing, and Goethe, all deemed the poem Virgil's best, largely on account of its style and its presumed relation to nature. Heyne's reappraisal of the poem brings into doubt the chief means of the eighteenth century for approaching Virgil. Heyne does not himself draw the consequences from his observations with such rigour. This task falls, rather, to Friedrich Schlegel. Friedrich Schlegel, the figure who most clearly articulated the German estrangement from Virgil, picks up the problem where Heyne had left it and draws out the consequences.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 317.
The Latin writings of Christian Wedsted represents a tangible and culturally significant link between the poetic traditions of Classical Antiquity, the expressive vernacular literature of Eighteenth Century German Pietism, and the social, cultural and religious life of one of the German immigrant groups living on the frontier of Colonial Pennsylvania. The content of the collection ranges from occasional poetry on themes of personal friendship to verses composed in a highly emotive style of religious expression. Several pieces record the poet's reaction to historical events. The poetry itself exhibits a variety of meticulously constructed Classical meters and an occasional non-Classical rhymed verse; the language often blends standard Classical Latin usage with a peculiar diction evocative of the hymns of contemporary Pietism. With poems originally written at first in Europe and later in Colonial America, this material has existed until only recently as a largely unsurveyed and unresearched mass of autograph papers in an American archival collection. This paper addresses several aspects of my present research on this fascinatig body of work and outlines the current state of the transcription, editing, and translation of the collection.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 355.
During the Thirty Years War in Germany, many Latin eulogies were written in honour of Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden. Among these, four long epic works deserve special attention: Gustavidos libri IX by the Bohemian Venceslaus Clemens (1632), Gustavidos libri tres by the Dutchman Johannes Narssius, Gustavi Magni Fulmen in Aquilam by the Frenchman Evvurtius Jollivet (1636) and Adolphidos libri duodecim by the Frechman Antoine Garissoles (1649). Together these works comprise more than 30.000 lines of hexameter verse. In my paper, I am going to give an account of the Gustavis written by Venceslaus Clemens. Among other things I shall treat his political allegories (which mirror the religious wars in Germany from the Hussite wars to his own time) and his use of the motif "The Infernal Council".
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 343.
Raum / Location: beim Tagungsbüro (at the Conference Office) .
La discussione sul valore dell'Umanesimo ha raggiunto in Germania e in Italia dei risultati in un certo senso analoghi, nonostante le notevoli differenze di prospettive storiografiche. Quella tensione spirituale tra l'idea e l'impegno politico - educativo che caratterizza la paideia di Werner Jaeger, ricorda, per lo meno come temperie culturale, l'atto di Giovanni Gentile nel suo impegno teoretico e pratico. Ciò e favorito anche da certo eclettismo presente nel neo - umanesimo tedesco. La posizione di Giovanni Gentile costituisce una radicalizzazione del neo - umanesimo tedesco in senso storicistico assoluto. In ciò converge pure l'istanza antirelativistica che preoccupava lo Stenzel.
La convergenza si palesa con maggiore chiarezza nell'antiumanesimo che due posizioni, una tedesca ed una italiana, la prima di Martin Heidegger e la seconda di Ugo Spirito, sono andate delineando. Ugo Spirito, dall'interno dell'attualismo, è giunto ad individuare nell'attività giudicante la caratteristica dell'umanesimo e la causa della crisi della civiltà moderna e contemporanea. Il che equivale a ciò che per altre vie dice Heidegger quando intende passare dal concetto di varietà come orthótes, retto giudizio, a quello della varietà come àletheia, presenzialità rivelativa.
La situazione speculativa si enuclea nei termini seguenti. La civiltà occidentale, costituita attorno al concetto di logos, risolvendosi nel suo movimento dialettico, si rende incapace di giustificare quei valori perenni proprii della tradizione umanistica. Qui sta la contraddizione tra umanesimo e storicismo, aggravata dal fatto che lo storicismo è uno sviluppo dell'umanesimo stesso. Le questioni che emergono: come uscire dal dilemma; ove sia la radice della convergenza speculativa tra la riflessione sull'umanesimo e l'anti - umanesimo nelle culture germanica e italiana.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 317.
Im Zentrum dieses subjektiven Berichts über die Lektüre der kommentierten Neuausgabe des Reuchlin-Briefwechsels steht die Frage, ob und in welcher Weise sich hier im Sinne des Kongress-Themas spezifisch deutsche Ansichten des Humanismus artikulieren.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
Un importante documento dell'influenza umanistica e del suo particolare "latino" nell'area linguistica germanica in netta oppositione alla tradizione del latino scolastico.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 302.
The emergence of the German humanists as a major intellectual force, as insiders to the cultural, political, and ecclesiastical institutions, by the third decade of the sixteenth century, from a handful of isolated outsiders in the middle of the fifteenth century, was the result of many factors, including Gutenberg's invention of printing, the enormous needs of the courts and cities for well trained administrators, and the dissatisfaction with the ossified universities. However, the succes of the humanists was also the result of deliberate attempts by the humanists themselves to advance their cause and to create a shared sense of cohesion and identity -- attempts that included their vociferous opposition to scholasticism, the foundig of sodalitates, their untiring letter-writing, their cult of friendship, and their desire to travel to like-minded friends.
It is with this aspect that the paper is concerned. More specifically, I will concentrate on the central role Latin and the adoption of Latin names played in the creation this group identity. Using the conceptual framework of social psychology and citing numerous examples from the humanists' own writings, I will argue that the cultivation of the language of the ancient Romans gave the humanists a sense of collective identity, because it allowed them to set themselves off against the overwhelming majority of the population. This need to disassociate themselves from the profanum vulgus manifested itself most clearly in the Latinization of proper names, for it not only signified an initiation into the exclusive European community of scholars but could also masked the low social standing of the initiated. The humanists, however, tried to set themselves off against those that spoke the "wrong" (scholastic-medieval) Latin, a denunciation that found its literary expression in the Epistolae obscurorum virorum. In this case, the emerging sense of solidarity resulted from the creation of a common enemy and a strong "Feindbild"
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 315.
1. The Background of the Polemics.
Carl Linnaeus (1707-1778), ennobled Carl von Linné (1757), was very sensitive to criticism all his life. He introduced a new system for the classification of plants, the so-called sexual system, in Systema naturae (1735), in which the stamens and pistils, the organs of reproduction, formed the basis. This work met with much resistance. Some protested because they found it unnatural, i.e. Christian Gottlieb Ludwig (Leipzig), Lorenz Heister (Helmstedt), Albrecht von Haller (Göttingen). The Pope forbade the introduction of Linnaeus's works to the Vatican. It was not until 1774 that a botanices professor was appointed in Rome to lecture on the basis of Linnaeus's work.
Another objection to the system was that it was repugnant and immoral. One of those critics was the German Johann Georg Siegesbeck (1686-1755). After taking a doctoral degree of medicine at Wittenberg in 1716 he began to study botany for Lorenz Heister. On 21 July 1735 Siegesbeck was appointed Demonstrator of the Botanical Garden at St. Petersburg. Once there he tried in vain to get the Imperial Academy of Sciences to print his thesis Dubia contra systema Copernicanum.
In December 1737 Siegesbeck published the Botanosophiae verioris brevis sciagraphia in usum discentium adornata. To this work was added another, i.e., Epicrisis in clar. Linnaei nuperrime evulgatum systema plantarum sexuale, et huic superstructam methodum botanicam. In the Epicrisis he tried to refute Linnaeus's sexual system, but the scholarly argumentation was very poor. What really made Siegesbeck so upset was, as he put it, "the immorality" of the Linnaean system. Siegesbeck openly mocks Linnaeus asking whether God really would allow that twenty men or more (i.e., the stamens) have one wife in common (i.e., the pistil) or that the wedded man, apart from his legitimate wife, had concubines in the shape of the nearby flowers.
Thus Siegesbeck concludes that God would never allow such abominable unchastity among his innocent plants, his dearest little creations!
2. The Early Friendship between Linnaeus and Siegesbeck
Initially Linnaeus and Siegesbeck had a friendly relationship. Between 14 November 1735 (o. st.) and 12 April 1737 (n. st.) Siegesbeck wrote four very ingratiating letters to Linnaeus when he lived on Hartecamp, the estate of his Dutch benefactor, George Clifford (1685-1760). On 24 May 1736 (o. st.) Siegesbeck informed Linnaeus that by order of the Russian Empress Anna, medical gardens had been founded the year before in both St. Petersburg and Moscow. Siegesbeck was in charge of the former and another German botanist, Traugott Gerber (d. 1743), of the latter. It was their task not only to examine domestic plants, especially those that were rare and not yet described, but also to start a botanical correspondence so as to collect exotic plants for their medical gardens.
3. The Siegesbeckia
Linnaeus and Siegesbeck appeared to be friends at an early period. But there seems to have been some irritation under the surface. In Hortus Cliffortianus, printed during the summer of 1737, Linnaeus had named a little stinking weed Siegesbeckia! Linnaeus had probably been warned about Siegesbeck's attack and in this way he wanted to castigate him. One of Linnaeus's ideas in Critica botanica (1737, pp. 78-81) is that there should be a link between the flower and the botanist whom it was named after. For example, Magnolia, Linnaeus says, has very handsome leaves and flowers, which recall the splendid botanist Magnol. But Dorstenia has insignificant flowers, faded and past their prime, like the works of Dorsten. According to Linnaeus himself there was such a "charm" in his associations that they would never fade from memory!
4. The Effects of Siegesbeck's Criticism
Linnaeus was forced to realise that Siegesbeck's criticism had had serious consequences. When he came back to Sweden in 1738 after three years in Holland, he found that the whole of Stockholm was in fact laughing at him. This was hardly surprising considering the way Siegesbeck had presented Linnaeus's new ideas. The situation was so bad that Linnaeus could not even find one servant to work for him. Actually in one of his biographies he states that nobody even dared to send him his dog to be cured. And he, Linnaeus, who had been honoured everywhere abroad as a Princeps botanicorum, was in Sweden like a Klimius from the inferior regions. Obviously Linnaeus had a great gift for creating compassion for himself and indignation towards his enemies!
5. Linnaeus's Defence against Siegesbeck's Criticism
Linnaeus was forced to defend himself against Siegesbeck's attack. In a letter on 13 September 1748 (o. st.) Linnaeus confides to Haller that in Leiden he had promised his teacher, Hermann Boerhaave (1668-1738), the foremost professor of medicine in those days, never to partake in any scientific quarrels. He had kept his promise in so far as he had not attacked Siegesbeck's thesis in his own name. It was Linnaeus's old friend, Johan Browallius (1707-1775), later Bishop of Åbo, who undertook the defence. In 1739 he published his Examen epicriseos in Systema plantarum sexuale Cl. Linnaei, Anno 1737 Petropoli evulgatae, auctore Jo. Georgio Siegesbeck, where Siegesbeck's opinions were reduced to nothing. Browallius asserted that the criticism that could be made against Linnaeus's sexual system is that widely different plants are brought together within the same class. But this criticism can be attributed to every artificial system and cannot be avoided until a true natural system is discovered. Linnaeus's system still contained more natural classes than any other previous system. In one of his autobiographies Linnaeus says himself that he supported Browallius when he wrote the thesis (multa communicavit). The same seems to have been the procedure with Consideratio epicriseos Siegesbeckianae in Linnaei systema plantarum sexuale et methodum botanicam huic superstructam, a work which was published in 1740 by Johann Gottlieb Gleditsch (1714-1786), another of Linnaeus's German correspondents, to defame Siegesbeck. Siegesbeck in his turn gave a sharp retort in Vaniloquentiae botanicae specimen (1741), which in no way improved his own reputation, since it was a good specimen of idle talk - by Siegesbeck himself! He says, e.g., that he does not know whether Linnaeus is competing with botanists or poets or orators, since he calls the seeds ovaries and talks of matrimony, happiness and love of the plants. Really, Linnaeus's sexual method should be called the lascivious method (p. 20). There is a great difference between polygamy and associations with prostitutes. The one is sanctioned in the Old Testament, the other not! (p. 38 sq.).
6. The St. Petersburg Episode
The hostility between Linnaeus and Siegesbeck was intensified in the 1740's through a series of coincidences. Linnaeus found a seed packet with some fruits of Siegesbeckia orientalis (Sw. "Klibbfrö") in the University Botanical Garden at Uppsala and he could not restrain himself. All his bitterness towards Siegesbeck burst out anew. He re-labelled the packet with the name Cuculus ingratus ("the ungrateful cuckoo"). This would not have caused such embarrassment, if the packet had not ended up at St. Petersburg and finally found its way to Siegesbeck himself. These were the unfortunate circumstances: in 1744 Count Sten Carl Bielke (1709-1753) together with Linnaeus's future disciple, Pehr Kalm, made a journey to Russia to collect plants. A rich collection of dried plants, seeds and more than 200 sorts of herbs, all Siberian, was brought back to Uppsala. However, at St. Petersburg Bielke happened to trade the packet by chance for Russian seeds. Thus it eventually came into Siegesbeck's own hands. He sowed the seeds with great curiosity and harvested - a Siegesbeckia. Naturally enough Siegesbeck was absolutely furious. Linnaeus's little mischief was to have damaging effects on the botanical interchange as Siegesbeck now stopped all exchange of herbs with Uppsala. This was a severe blow to Linnaeus, who was very interested in the Siberian flora, as its plants were ideal for the barren soil of Uppsala. Bielke repeatedly tried to put things right by urging Linnaeus to send a letter of apology to Siegesbeck saying the fault was that of the gardener; he had written the label. As a last resort Bielke tried to persuade Linnaeus by offering all the Siberian plants that he could have in return, reminding Linnaeus that Georg Wilhelm Steller (1709-1746), who sailed with Vitus Bering (1681-1741), would soon return with great collections from Kamchatka (in those days this comprised the whole of the Russian far East). However Linnaeus replies:
"With regards to your last letter I must say with Pilate, 'What is written is written'. Siegesbeck shows himself to be cruel; death and cruelty will always have some cause. Nobody has ever been able to give me a rarer gift than the one you, Mr Count, gave me of Siberian herbs, but if someone told me: 'apologise to Siegesbeck, and I will give you an equally big and rare collection', I must admit that this would be impossible for me, because of a public malice without reason. He then tried to escape, but it is an idiot and fool, under which I have suffered, such a thing cannot be eradicated from a mortal heart. The more he writes, the more he rages, the better it is. If you, Mr. Count, writes to him, you had better pray him right away to open all his sources of evilness and rush forward as an example to posterity, an ingratissimus cuculus et nebulo. Let him also know that I will never forgive him his roguery, but also that I do not meet wickedness with wickedness, but smile at the idiot and fool, who pretends to be a botanicus, something that he will never become."
7 Epilogue
In his Nemesis Divina, a work with edifying and moralising stories for the education of his son, also called Carl, Linnaeus reveals a rather primitive sort of religion. If you suffer, it is God's punishment for something that you have done yourself. There always seems to be a just connection between guilt and punishment. "Wicked" Siegesbeck was to prove himself an excellent example of Linnaeus's interpretation of divine revenge, especially as he was to live to see his only son commit suicide, which meant the end of his family line.
In the 1760's Linnaeus once and for all settled his account with Siegesbeck. In one of his autobiographies no less than thirty-three contemporary botanists are given various ranks as "officers of Flora". Siegesbeck is listed at the bottom of the list as the absolutely last one with the rank of sergeant major ("fältväbel"). The last but one is Heister. In accordance with his title of omnium seculi sui botanicorum princeps Linnaeus placed himself at the top of the list as the general.
Linnaeus declared that he never replied to criticism, but as we have seen this does not mean that he accepted criticism with equanimity and serenity. On the contrary he did in fact react with great bitterness and he did not hesitate to refute meanness with meanness. In his autobiography Linnaeus concludes:
"God has been with him [sc. Linnaeus], wherever he has gone, and has eradicated all his enemies for him and made him a great name, as great as those of the greatest men on earth .... Nobody has been a greater botanist or zoologist".
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 355.
Johannes Franciscus Ripensis , der 1532 geborene Däne Hans Frandsen aus Ribe in Südjütland, gehört zum Mittelpunkt der als "Wittenberger Schule" geltenden ersten dänischen Dichtergruppe. Mit Deutschland verbindet ihn nicht nur der Umstand, daß er bei Melanchthon studiert hat, sondern auch, daß er ein Hodoeporicon mit dem Titel 'Iter Francicum' (Frankenreise) geschrieben hat und mit Petrus Lotichius Secundus, nach Martin Opitz "Fürst aller deutschen Poeten", befreundet gewesen ist. In seinem Wirken als Medizinprofessor in Kopenhagen (1561-1584) kommt es zu einer Vermittlung von geistes- und naturwissenschaftlichen Positionen Melanchthons nach Dänemark. Läßt sich an seinen Gedichten generell der Einfluß Melanchthons ausmachen, so gilt das insbesondere für sein ophtalmologisches Lehrgedicht "De oculorum fabricatione", mit dem Melanchthons Vesal-Rezeption in den skandinavischen Raum gelangt, was im Kontext vergleichbarer Vorgänge dargestellt werden soll. Der neulateinische Dichter und Mediziner aus Dänemark ist trotz der poetisch mehrfach bezeugten Freundschaft mit Lotichius, der ebenfalls ein Melanchtthonschüler und Medizinprofessor war, in Deutschland weithin unbekannt geblieben. Ellingers Geschichte der neulateinischen Literatur Deutschlands übergeht ihn im Kapitel über Verwandte und Freunde des Lotichius (II, 395 ff.).
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 343.
Während seiner Zeit als Lateinlehrer am Augustinerstift Polling in Oberbayern hat der Humanist und Theologe Johannes Altenstaig von Mindelheim ein von ihm zusammengestelltes Opus pro conficiundis epistolis (Hagenau: H. Gran, 1512) zum Gebrauch seiner Schüler drucken lassen. Wie er in einem Vorwort zum Werke betont, habe er den Stiftmitgliedern beibringen wollen, wie man elegante Briefe im Stile Ciceros und Filelfos verfaßt, damit sie auf diese Art ihre Lateinkenntnisse verbessern und infolgedessen die Heilige Schrift und die Kirchenväter besser lesen und verstehen können. Außer den üblichen Definitionen und Ratschlägen solcher Handbücher, beinhaltet das Werk einige recht umfangreiche Listen barbarischer Ausdrücke und Redensweisen, die vom Autor angeprangert werden. Beispiele klassischer oder spätklassischer Vokabeln werden oft als Ersatz angeboten. Statt des Fachbegriffs legista, zum Beispiel, findet er den Ausdruck legisperitus empfehlenswerter (obwohl dieser Ausdruck Cicero wahrscheinlich unbekannt war). Er bevorzugt iunior, recentior oder neotericus an Stelle von modernus und hört lieber virgines vestales als moniales. Ebenfalls solle man seiner Meinung nach die meisten mit "Z" geschriebenen Verben -- canonizare, evangelizo, latinizare, sabbatizare , tibizare -- gänzlich vermeiden, wenn sie nicht aus dem Griechischen hergeleitet werden. Auch den Gebrauch der üblichsten philosophischen und theologischen Begriffe scholastischer Prägung wie modus essendi, contemplativus und speculativus rät er dem zukünftigen Gelehrten ab. Insbesondere zeigen die Beispiele und Kommentare, die Altenstaig gegen die Philosophen und Theologen der spätmittelalterlichen Scholastik vorbringt, wie groß die Spaltung zwischen Theologie und Humanismus noch zu seiner Zeit war.
In meinem Beitrag möchte ich das Opus pro conficiundis epistolis als Ausgangspunkt nehmen, um die sprachphilosophischen Gründe der Kontroverse zwischen den Humanisten und Theologen Deutschlands zu besprechen.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
Common opinion has it, that Erasmus, the great promoter of Latinity, held the vernaculars in contempt. However, this view fails to do justice to a neglected aspect of his writing, namely, the impact of his native language.
It will be argued that he used proverbs and expressions of Dutch (in a few cases German) provenance in such works as the Praise of Folly, the Colloquies, and in some of his letters.
As regards the function of such proverbs it will be shown that he employed them in the same way and with the same purpose as ancient adages, namely as arguments in discourse and for reasons of style.
The evidence gathered allows us to reassess his attitude towards and estimate of Dutch. It also sheds new light on the question of his command of German.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 302.
Et virilis et vere germanicus decor: Rudolf Agricola's Speech for Johann von Dalberg (Pavia 1474)
Despite his rather small literary oeuvre, Rudolf Agricola (1444-1485) had a fairly legendary reputation among his contemporaries and even more so among later generations as a pioneer of humanism in Germany. His introductory speeches given for the newly elected rectores scholarium of the legal faculty of Pavia from 1471 to 1474 constitute his earliest literary works and are at the same time an early highpoint of public performances by German humanists in Italy. He wrote the most significant of these speeches, considered a model of humanistic idealizing biography, for Johann von Dalberg (1455-1503), who would later become his most important patron. Despite its significance this speech along with the others has never been published. The discovery of the original manuscript, the only known work by Agricola written in his own hand, makes possible a first analysis of form and content in anticipation of a planned edition. Starting with the purpose for which the speech was written, this essay will examine the humanistic ideal and the rhetorical strategies with which it is put into effect. Since the newly discovered manuscript is a first draft with numerous corrections and additions, we are able to look over the author's shoulder so to speak, and to observe him as he struggles to find the appropriate rhetorical form.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 315.
Noch keine Zusammenfassung verfügbar (no abstract available yet)
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 317.
Die humanistische Lateinkultur kam in Schweden erst in der Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts zur Blüte, später als in anderen vergleichbaren Ländern. Sie war eng mit der Großmachtstellung Schwedens verbunden. Latein wurde zum Werkzeug der schwedischen Repräsentation auf den europäischen Bühnen der Politik, Diplomatie und Gelehrsamkeit. Es gab allerdings Spannungen zwischen der transnationalen, humanistischen Lateinkultur, die zum Teil von eingewanderten Deutschen vertreten wurde, und den Bestrebungen der schwedischen Krone, eine einheimische repräsentative Kultur aufzubauen.
Wie sich das Verhältnis zwischen frühmoderner Nationalkultur und Lateinkultur gestaltete, wird das Thema meines Vortrags sein.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 355.
The Holsatian nobleman Heinrich Rantzau (1526-1598) was governor of Schleswig-Holstein on the part of the king of Denmark during most of the second half of the sixteenth century and as such an important figure within both Danish and German political history of the period. But he was also a Latin writer and, especially, a literary patron on a large scale with humanist contacts and correspondents all over Northern Europe.
Among the humanists he supported were such well known figures as Georg Rollenhagen and Nicolaus Reusner, and Georg Braunius, for whose Civitates orbis terrarum he also procured virtually all the material on Denmark and Schleswig-Holstein. But over the years he also engaged a series of younger humanists, mostly local people from Schleswig-Holstein, Hamburg or Rostock as court poets or "humanists in residence", composing occasional poetry, editing Rantzau's own writings, writing books on local history or the Rantzau family, etc. etc. All this may be studied in detail in the several hundred letters between Rantzau and his humanist clients that have come down to us.
As an example of the workings of Rantzaus's literary patronage I shall take a closer look at one of these humanists, the poet and historian Peter Lindeberg from Rostock (1562-96). Lindeberg wrote several books under Rantzau's auspices, among them one of the most important Ranzoviana, Hypotyposis arcium, palatiorum, librorum, pyramidum, obeliscorum, molarum, fontium, monumentorum et epitaphiorum (1590) a comprehensive description of all the governor's castles, houses, monuments etc. But poems written by him to Rantzau's honour were published in a large number of other books.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 343.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) .
Der tschechische Musiker Jan Novák wurde 1921 in Mähren geboren, 1968 aus seiner Heimat durch die sowjetischen Panzer vertrieben; er starb 1984 im bayrischen Exil in Neu-Ulm. Unter allen Lateinkomponisten seit der Renaissance ragt er schon dadurch als einzigartig hervor, dass er seinen Werken in der Regel nicht die bekannten kirchlichen Texte wie "Te Deum", "Stabat Mater", Requiem" u. ä. zu Grunde legte, sondern weltliche Gedichte großenteils aus der klassischen Antike selber, z.T. aber auch aus der mittelalterlichen und neulateinischen Literatur genommen. Seine Kunst zeigt sich besonders bei der Behandlung metrischer Texte, in denen es auf die genauen Silbenquantitäten ankommt. Hier macht sich Novák die rhythmischen Freiheiten der neueren Musik zu Nutze, um solche antiken Metren ebenso exakt wie eingängig musikalisch nachzuformen, ganz im Unterschied zu Carl Orff, der zwar genial, aber in dieser Hinsicht gerade zu barbarisch war. In den lateinischen Gedichten, die Novák selber - meist mit spürbar leichterer Hand - schrieb, hielt er sich nicht nur an die metrischen Formen der alten Klassiker, sondern machte auf deren Spuren auch eigene neue Erfindungen. - Der Vortrag soll durch musikalische Beispiele illustriert werden. Voraussichtlich wird dabei ein Münchener Sängerensemble als Uraufführung das Werk "Politicon" darbieten, eine höchst amüsant anzuhörende Vertonung von Texten Ciceros, Senecas und des Amerikaners Harry C. Schnur.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
Raum / Location: beim Tagungsbüro (at the Conference Office) .
Sabinus hat vielmals Polen besucht und er war oft mit polnischen Gelehrten und Dichtern in Kontakt. Diese Kontakte sind im Aufsatz erwähnt.Er hat im Jahre 1536 einen poetischen Brief Ad Andream Cricium Archiepiscopum Gnesnensem gedichtet, im Jahre 1543 einen an Stanislaus Lascius. Er hat ein ganz langes Poem De nuptiis incliti Regis Poloniae Sigismundi Augusti et Elisae / .../ - /1543/ verfaßt. Es enthält die Beschreibung Polens, die Embleme, die den polnischen Königen gewidmet sind. Die Inspirationen hat er den polnischen Geschichtsschreibern entnommen.
Seit 1544 war Sabinus an der Königsberger Universität als der erste Rektor und Professor tätig. Dann waren die Kontakte mit Ermland zahlreich: davon zeugen die poetischen Briefe: Ad Eustachium Knobelsdorf; Ad Stanislaum Hosium. Es gibt noch andere Texte, die im Aufsatz erwähnt wurden.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
Dieser Beitrag trägt den Untertitel: Wege, Waren und Kultur zwischen Nord und Süd und fokussiert die alpinen Pässe Sankt Gotthard und Brenner, ohne jedoch andere Pfade, die nach Mittel- und Nordeuropa führen, zu vernachlässigen. Der betrachtete Zeitraum ist auf das XIII. bis XVII. Jahrhundert beschränkt, die Blütezeit der italienischen Präsenz in Europa und Zeit der schwerwiegenden wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Krise, die von den ersten Jahrzehnten des XVI. Jahrhunderts an über die Halbinsel hereinbrach.
Die hochalpinen Pässe haben sich im Laufe der Jahrtausende als gewaltige, furchteinflößende und majestätische Pforten erwiesen, und es bleibt zu untersteichen, daß die Gebirgskette der Alpen nicht nur eine Barriere oder Grenze, sondern vielmehr ein Scharnier zwischen unterschiedlichen Kulturräumen darstellt. Heere, Händler, Pilger, Künstler, Emigranten und Abenteurer haben diese Pfade beschritten. Die ersten mercatores italici, deren Überquerung des Sankt Gotthard geschichtlich dokumentiert ist, waren Wollhändler aus Monza (10. April 1294). Vor und nach ihnen kamen Geldverleiher und Kaufleute aus Asti und der Lombardei, aus Chieri und Novara, Florenz und Bologna...Gefolgt von Handwerkern und Künstlern. Eine Bewegung nordwärts, die jedoch nicht den antiken Druck in Richtung der Halbinsel (nach Venedig, Genua, Lodi, Mailand, Bologna, Rom, Florenz, Bari...) auslöschen konnte, welchen deutschstämmige Kaufleute, Menschen von Bildung oder Geistliche, seit jeher ausübten.
Die Wege der Alpen sind leider, wie die Waren, der Handel oder die Emigrationsbewegungen der Massen, nur unzureichend erforscht. Auf besagten Pfaden nahm die Konkurrenz zwischen Genua und Venedig ihren Ausgang, ihr Glanz und ihr Verfall. Und dennoch bewahren diese Wege ihren ganz eigenen Reiz, und es ist möglich, faszinierende Spuren zu entdecken: von Briefen bis hin zu Reiseberichten, Zolldokumenten, archäologischen Fundstücken des Mittelalters und der Renaissance, aufgespürt an heute in Vergessenheit geratenen Stätten - Zeugnisse einer Epoche reich an kulturellem und kaufmännischem Austausch.
Als Weggefährten habe ich, wenn auch nur für eine kurze Zeit, Antonio de Beatis gewählt, einen Repräsentanten des Hofes Papst Leos X. und zwischen 1517 und 1518 Reisender in Holland, Frankreich und Deutschland. Sein Reisebericht, seine Schilderung der Überquerung des Brenners und die Beschreibung einiger deutscher Städte und der Magna (des deutschen Sprach- und Kulturraumes), erscheint von besonderem Interesse. Andere Erzählungen und Berichte (zum Beispiel die des Agostino Patrizzi, 1471, oder des Leonardo Bruni, 1415), erhöhen diesen Reiz.
Gleiches gilt auch für die Präsenz italienischer Händler und Bühnenschauspieler, Musiker und Kunsthandwerker, Diplomaten und Geistlichen. Es genügt, die Liste der im Frankfurter Magazin Carlo Brentanos und Matteo Guaitas gelagerten Waren zu lesen, oder einen Blick über die Warenliste (1282 und 1372) des Zollamtes in Trient schweifen zu lassen, um zu begreifen, wie es der Handelsbewegung gelingen konnte, natürliche und gesellschaftliche Grenzen zu überwinden, Moden und Geschmäcker zu begründen, Informationen und Kultur zu vermitteln und epochale Krisen zu enthüllen.
Questo intervento ha come sottotitolo: vie, persone, merci e cultura tra Nord e Sud e focalizza i passi alpini del San Gottardo e del Brennero, senza trascurare altri percorsi che immettono al centro e al Nord-Europa. Il periodo storico preso in esame è limitato ai secoli compresi tra il XIII e il XVII secolo, al periodo d'oro della presenza italiana in Europa e alla grande crisi economico-climatica e sociale che si riversa sulla Penisola ad iniziare dai primi decenni del secolo XVI.
I passi alpini, nel corso dei millenni, si sono dimostrati immensi, spaventosi e maestosi portali, a sottolineare che la catena alpina più che barriera o confine, risulta una cerniera tra diverse aree culturali. Eserciti, mercanti, pellegrini, artisti, emigranti e avventurieri hanno percorso questi sentieri. I primi mercatores italici dei quali la storia ci ha documentato il passaggio del San Gottardo, furono due lanavendoli di Monza (10 aprile 1294). Prima e dopo di loro prestasoldi e commercianti lombardi e astigiani, chieresi e novaresi, fiorentini e bolognesi... Seguiti da artigiani e artisti. Un movimento verso il Nord che non cancellava l'antica tensione alla volta della Penisola (Venezia, Genova, Lodi, Milano, Bologna, Roma, Firenze, Bari...) di commercianti e uomini di cultura o religiosi di origine tedesca.
Le vie alpine, come le merci e il commercio o le masse spinte all'emigrazione, sono purtroppo poco studiate. Su questi percorsi si sviluppò la concorrenza tra Genova e Venezia, il loro splendore e il loro declino. Eppure queste vie mantengono un loro fascino ed è possibile rinvenire tracce interessantissime: dalle lettere, alle relazioni di viaggio, alla documentazione doganale, a recuperi archeologici medievali e rinascimentali in località oggi dimenticate e che testimoniano un'intensa epoca di scambi commerciali e culturali.
Ho scelto come accompagnatore, seppure per un breve tratto, Antonio de Beatis, rappresentante di spicco alla corte di papa Leone X e, tra il 1517-1518, viaggiatore in Olanda, Francia e Germania. La sua relazione di viaggio, relativamente al passaggio del Brennero e alla descrizione di alcune città tedesche e della Magna (area di lingua e cultura tedesca), mi sembra di particolare interesse. Altri resoconti e relazioni (per esempio Agostino Patrizzi, 1471 o Leonardo Bruni, 1415) aumentano questo fascino.
Ciò vale anche per la presenza italiana di mercanti e teatranti, musicisti e artigiani, diplomatici e religiosi. Basta rileggere la lista delle merci conservate nel magazzino di Carlo Brentano e Matteo Guaita a Francoforte, o scorrere l'elenco delle mercanzie (1282 e 1372) alla stazione del dazio di Trento per comprendere come il movimento mercantile sia riuscito a superare confini naturali e sociali, ad imporre mode e gusti, a trasmettere informazioni, trasferire cultura e ad essere un rivelatore di crisi epocali.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 302.
In this paper I want to elaborate on Lipsius' relationship with prominent German humanists, philologists and philosophers. More concrete, Lipsius' (fictional) correspondence with German scholars such as Joachim Camerarius sr., Julius Echter von Mespelbrunn, Joannes Ferscius, Obertus Giphanius, Melchior Goldast, Janus Gruter(us), Johannes Leonclavius, Franciscus Modius, Jacob Monau, Heinrich Rantzovius, Conrad Rittershusius, Joannes Sambucus, Kaspar Schoppe, and Marcus Welser will be dealt with, so as to examine Lipsius' position in the Respublica Litteraria first, and to determine the intellectual and supra-confessional relation-ships in this Latin community of scholars.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 315.
19th century-Latin Grammars in Germany
The beginning of the 19th century saw a shifting of paradigms which one might call the scientific turn in diachronic (i.e. historical) and synchronic linguistics. The rise and triumph of the comparative method that collected data from different Indo-European languages to reconstruct a so-called protolanguage was not merely the summit of obscure ideas that had already attracted the minds of many scholars during the preceding centurys, but was due to the scientification of the comparative method. A new academic discipline was born: historical linguistics, first concerned especially with the family of the Indo-European languages, i.e. Latin, Greek, German, English, French, Sanskrit etc. The further development of this discipline, particularly connected with the names of German scholars, was part of a larger process involving the complete field of the subjects we now call the humanities. For our purpose it may suffice - apart from the Indo-European-paradigma - to outline two sources of influence on the linguistics of Latin and Greek.
First, the impact of German philosophy, as put forward by Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) and his successors (Hegel in the first place [1770-1831]), on the other branches of the German Geisteswissenschaften (humanities) can hardly be stressed enough; on the other hand, the preeminent position, which was given to the Classics by scholars like Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835), established the study of Latin and Greek as something like the perfection of the human mind and so transformed the Classicist's job into a cultural mission. Moreover anyone interested in the history of Latin Grammar mustn't forget Humboldt's theory of language which became one of the dominant linguistic paradigms of the 19th century.
The lecture "19th century-Latin Grammars in Germany" is primarily concerned with the influence of the scientific trends mentioned above on the bulk of voluminous and often reprinted Latin (school) grammars composed (and often derived from each other) during the 19th century, in which we can follow the lines of historical linguistics, idealistic philosophy and Humboldt's ideas. Furthermore, apart from the scientific developments a new approach to the learning of Latin began to spread through Germany: the learning by contrasting German with Latin to elaborate the differences between the languages and to elevate the ability of writing (and even speaking) the language of Cicero and Tacitus. This wide-spread phenomenon, on first sight strange, if not absurd for modern people, is not confined to esoteric circles or queer methods of even weirder school teachers - it became one of the most important methods for learning Latin and provided the student of Classics with an armoury of eloquence which even the average Roman schoolboy who lived in the days of Cicero could only dream of. And - what is even more important - the method sprang over to scholarly works on the field of Latin grammar. To investigate the growth, structure and application of this contrastive method will be another topic of the lecture.
At the end of the 19th century we find the Lipsian school of the so-called neogrammarians. This school of wild young scholars, as one might say, rejected the more biological and intuitive, if not mystic approach of the followers of Humboldt and replaced it by a strictly scientific method based on laws and rules modelled on the system of the Naturwissenschaften (sciences). The final part of the lecture will look for traces of this school in the Grammars of the late 19th century.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 317.
Melanchthon and Scandinavia
There was no common introduction of the Reformation in both monarchies Sweden-Finnland and Danmark-Norway-Iceland. The danish reformation was established by Christian 3th in 1536, afterwards in Norway and Iceland. The "Kirchenordinanz" of 1539 prepared a new school-system based on Melanchthon's writings such as "loci communes", "Unterricht der Visitatoren", his biblical commentaries. Petrus Palladius, the first protestant archbishop of Seeland, published his "Brevis explicatio Catechismus", an commentary of Melanchthons "Loci communes", for the education of norway theologians. He became the theologian of protestantism in Norway.
But the centre for the reformation in Scandinavia became the university of Kopenhagen new established according to Melanchthon's reform of higher education. The "artes liberales" were based on Melanchthon's commentaries; the departement of theology recommended Melanchthon's ''Loci communes'' and his biblical writings. Most important many scandinavian Protestants of the second generation were students in Wittenberg under Melanchthon. In the 16th century 600 danish and 200 swedish students went to Wittenberg. Beside Niels Hemmingsen, the most significant theologian and pupil Melanchthon's, the Wittenbergian reformator became their theological head. As Leif Grane wrote Melanchthon was the "praeceptor scandinaviae". Based on recent publications the paper will examine Melanchthon's influence for the reformation in Scandinavia providing new perspectives for further examinations.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 355.
Der Späthumanismus ist keine eingeführte Epoche. Der Begriff ist kontrovers. Das, was er bezeichnen soll, liegt vielfach im Nebulösen. Es gibt keinerlei Verständigung über tragfähige Komponenten zu seiner Konstitution. Statt dessen bleibt eine offensichtlich tiefsitzende Aversion gegen einen wenig eingeführten und mit dem Makel der Spätzeitlichkeit behafteten Begriff zu beobachten. Erst nach den gewaltigen Erschütterungen, die das reformatorische Zeitalter mit sich führte, wurde die Zeit reif für die Artikulation neuer zukunftsweisender Ideen. Von Späthumanismus zu reden heißt, diesen nachreformatorischen Gestaltungen des Denkens und Gestaltens nachzuspüren und ihnen dort zu begegnen, wo sie am frühesten zu ganz neuen und zwangsläufig in die Moderne gleitenden Horizonten vordrangen: in der Theologie, in der Politik, in den Künsten. Es ist der sogleich im Gefolge der Reformation rapide wie ein Krebsgeschwür sich ausbreitende Konfessionalismus, der noch im 16. Jahrhundert im Umkreis der Theologie eine neue Irenik zeitigt, der staatlicherseits ein neues Verständnis der friedensstiftenden Rolle der weltanschaulich und konfessionell neutralen politischen Gewalt korrespondiert, ein Verständnis, welches wiederum sogleich in den Künsten aus neuem, an der Antike geschultem Geist produktiv aufgegriffen und verarbeitet wird. Es sind Humanisten hier wie dort, die die intellektuellen Waffen dieser in die Moderne weisenden Entwürfe ausarbeiten. In Bewältigung des konfessionelle Dramas gewinnt der Humanismus in seiner letzten Metamorphose seine intellektuelle Statur. Er ist um 1600 auf allen Lebensgebieten eine gefährdete, aber eben auch eine nicht mehr wegzudenkende Bewegung. Ihrer Rekonstruktion an qualifizierten Paradigmen gilt die Bemühung des geplanten Vortrags.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
The paper deals with the increasing self-consciousness and autonomy of the German humanists, as revealed in their biographies of each other.
As the humanist movement spread from Italy to the north, a new genre of biographical writing developed in the lives of men of letters -- biographies of humanists by fellow humanists. In the north,the earliest of these lives were a series of vitae for Rudolph Agricola, followed by widely disseminated vitae of Celtis, Wimpheling, and others down to the great vita of Erasmus (1540) by Beatus Rhenanus.
A frequent theme in these Vitae was the role of Italian travels and literary personalities in the development of a specific Germanic humanist. In fact, many Vitae of northern humanists openly compared or debated the relative merits of the northerners and their Italian counterparts and models. These Vitae reflect the concern pervasive in other northern humanist writings about the relative merits, potential inferiority, and specific excellence of northern humanism.
This theme in biographical writing reaches its peak in a unique collection of Vitae edited in 1536 by Johannes Fichardus of Frankfurt/Main. Clearly influenced by Plutarch's Parallel Lives, Fichardus arranged about ten biographies of Italian humanists over and against about seven vitae of northern humanists. He struggled to show a balance or equality between the two groups.
Shortly thereafter, Beatus Rhenanus's Vita of Erasmus (1540) would declare that the torch of excellence had passed from Italy to the north with Erasmus. Thereafter, this theme virtually disappears from German humanist biography. German humanists possessed the self-confidence that no longer needed to compare themselves with Italians. When the theme of Italy occasionally reappears, as in the monumental Vita of Petrus Lotichius Secundus (d. 1560, Vita 1584), Italy is seen as a pleasant backdrop for educational travel, no longer as a threateningly superior cultural model.
This paper will describe this theme in the biographies of northern humanists, and evaluate its significance in the increasing autonomy of German humanism in the 1500's.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
Wie ein lateinisches Wörterbuch ausschaut, wozu man es braucht und wie man es benützt - das weiß man. Wirklich? Die Beschäftigung mit den Exemplaren des 16. - 18. Jahrhunderts ist geeignet, solche Selbstsicherheit zu erschüttern.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 302.
Für das Trivium der Artes liberales entwickelte sich nur mühsam eine deutschsprachige Fachliteratur. Das fachliche Wissen und die Terminologie dieser Disziplinen blieben bis weit in die frühe Neuzeit hinein unbestritten lateinisch kodifiziert. Der Vortrag untersucht, wie beim Auftauchen deutscher rhetorischer Fachtexte oder Textelemente dennoch die lateinischen Theoriewerke als Referenzsystem fungierten. Es soll auch untersucht werden, ob man von einer fachtextlichen Interaktion oder aber einer Emanzipation der deutschen rhetorischen Fachliteratur sprechen kann.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 315.
In the history of ideas, one distorts the larger picture by beginning (as we must) in media res: for the history of scholarship, like the larger history of ideas, is always a history of continuities. The complete paper will identify the beginnings of textual criticism in the Italian Renaissance and will speak briefly of Richard Bentley -- that ""ast product of the seventeenth century" and indeed, the culmination of an historicl process that led from Valla to Erasmus and so to J. J. Scaliger at the beginning of the seventeenth century.
The milieu of Karl Lachmann was most complex and rich, and one must recognize the significance of the new university of Berlin, where in 1810 von Humboldt endeavored to make use of the ideas and methods of Friedrich August Wolf, although it was too late in Wolf's career to make the most of his energies and experience. The new approach to classical studies was given the name "Altertumswissenschaft" (perhaps sensed by Scaliger but given full stress by Winkelmann and make known more widely by Barthold George Niebuhr). There were many others in this galaxy, to be sure.
In this world, Karl Lachmann (1793-1841) came to maturity, and as well as his theory, he left an impressive body of editorial work in his editions of Propertius (1816, 2d ed. 1819, with Catullus and Tibullus) and most notably Lucretius (1850), which is generally accepted as an exemplary text. One of his leading disciples was Moritz Haupt, whose mid-century Berlin lectures were attended by a twenty-six-year-old student of the classics from Oxford, Henry Nettleship, who became Regius Professor of Latin at Oxford and in his public lectures there paid tribute to the seminar method (of which he said there was nothing like that in England) and to the textual criticism practiced by Lachmann and others.
P. S. Allen, the editor of the magisterial edition of Erasmus' correspondence, heard Nettleship and read his lectures. Allen was thus guided to the source of the new textual criticism, and he then provided a model for all later editorial work in Neo-Latin.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 317.
Although by the middle of the sixteenth century literary humanism was no longer coming into England exclusively from Italy, the German sources of English literary humanism are often neglected or unknown. Two cases I should like to discuss center on Georgius Sabinus, Petrus Lotichius Secundus, and Paulus Melissus and involve the Elizabethan poets Edmund Spenser and Sir Philip Sidney.
Edmund Spenser owned a copy of the collected poems of Georgius Sabinus and Petrus Lotichius that I recently discovered in the collections at the Folger Shakespeare Library in Washington D.C. This is probably the only extant book that was owned by the foremost non-dramatic writer in Elizabethan England and testifies to the prominence of German humanistic poetry there during the second half of the sixteenth century. The Folger copy moreover includes an autograph manuscript by Spenser consisting of a letter and two poems on Petrus Lotichius. I shall discuss the source of these documents and account for their presence in the Folger copy.
The German Neo-Latin poet Paulus Melissus spent the winter of 1585-86 at the court of Queen Elizabeth to whom he dedicated the vast second edition of his Schediasmata Poetica. Both in that and earlier collections he included poems to Sir Philip Sidney that record his admiration and affection for the patron and inspiration for the new, humanistically inspired poetic style that was to transform English poetry in the 1580s. Melissus' presence at the English Court moreover testifies to the degree to which humanistic Latin culture drew together Protestant cultural communities dispersed throughout Britain and continental Europe.
The cases of Sidney and Spenser show how by the second half of the sixteenth century the stream of literary humanism had spread out well beyond the boundaries of Italy, that German humanist poets like Melissus could seek patronage for their Latin poetry at the English court, and that by the time Spenser began writing in the 1570s he would have been interested in the northern European poets as well as in their Italian, French, and ancient Roman precursors.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 355.
From the late 16th century onwards, Latin seems to have served one major purpose in Icelandic literature, namely the explication, for an international audience, of the history, geography and literature of Iceland. Examples of other uses of Latin are rather scarce, consisting mostly of scattered pieces of poetry and official letters. The stated reasons for writing for an international audience were at first the obscurity of the Icelandic people and consequent fictions surrounding it. This soon develeoped into an account of mostly medieval Iceland, which explicated its literary and political splendour. This endeavour was given added impetus by the increasing need for information concerning Nordic medieval history. Thus Neo-Latin in Iceland started as a means of explaining, if not establishing, an identity for Icelanders in the international community; this seems to have been its primary function. All things Icelandic were thus emphasized, in Latin, even to the point of preaching Icelandic linguistic purism in Latin. The Latin language itself or the Latin tradition were rarely the subject of discourse, except their relation to Icelandic, while that language and tradition must inevitably and curiously have influenced the presentation of the Icelandic material. Thus interesting questions arise concerning the relationship of the Latin medium and the presentation of Icelandic cultural and political history in the Middle Ages.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 343.
Raum / Location: beim Tagungsbüro (at the Conference Office) .
Obwohl die Gliederung der Rhetorik in drei Gattungen (genus demonstrativum, genus deliberativum und genus iudiciale) schon in der Antike als unbefriedigend empfunden wird, halten die Verfasser von allen uns aus der Antike überlieferten Handbüchern an ihr fest, und auch die Humanisten knüpfen zunächst an diese Tradition an. Erst der junge Philipp Melanchthon bricht 1519 in seinen "De Rhetorica libri tres" mit ihr und führt eine vierte Gattung, das genus didacticum (didaskalikón), ein, dessen Aufgaben von ihm ausführlich beschrieben werden. Darüber hinaus begnügt er sich nicht damit, im Gegensatz zu früheren Autoren (aber vielleicht angeregt durch Jakob Wimpfeling) einige Beispiele aus der Bibel anzuführen, vielmehr integriert er die sonst in gesonderten Schriften behandelte Predigtlehre in sein Lehrbuch der Rhetorik. In seinen späteren Lehrbüchern hält Melanchthon an dem vierten genus fest, verzichtet jedoch auf die Berücksichtigung der Predigtlehre. Während einige spätere Autoren Melanchthons Neuerungen teilweise aufnehmen, lassen andere sie völlig unberücksichtigt.
Der vorgesehene Beitrag wird versuchen, Melanchthons Vorgehen zu begründen und historisch einzuordnen und dessen Bedeutung für seine eigenen Interpretationen (und vielleicht für einige spätere Autoren) wenigstens im Umriß anzudeuten.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
Noch keine Zusammenfassung verfügbar (no abstract available yet)
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 302.
Die humanistische Neubestimmung der "ars" als einer deskriptiv und nicht normativ verfahrenden Wissenschaft bildet im 15. Jahrhundert, von Italien ausgehend, den Ursprung der humanistischen Reform der Grammatik. Grammatik ist die Beschreibung des einer Sprache innewohnenden Regelsystems und nidht, wie etwa in den scholastischen modi-significandi , die Beschreibung der Bezeichnungsformen der einzelnen Wortarten. Damit aber wird möglich, die Grammatik auch einer Volkssprache schreiben zu können: wenn die Grammatik deskriptiv verfährt, kann ihr Gegenstand jede Sprache sein und nicht nur die traditionell als grammatisch geltenden Sprachen Latein und Griechisch.
Dieser für die Grammatik in der Forschung weitgehend anerkannte Punkt gilt auch für die Dialektik und Rhetorik, wie man vor allem an der ersten deutschsprachigen Dialektik von Ortolph Fuchsperger ("Ain gründlicher klarer anfang der natürlichen und rechten kunst der waren Dialectica", 1534) und der Rhetorik von Philipp Melanchthon ("Elementa rhetorices", 1531) zeigen kann. Wo Rudolf Agricola mit seinen "De inventione dialectica libri tres" (1479) die Dialektik neu als deskriptive Kunst bestimmt hatte, tritt Fuchsperger nun den Beweis an, daß die dialektischen Regeln allen von Natur aus angeboren sind und daß deshalb auch nicht nur die lateinische Sprache zu logischen Konstruktionen fähig ist, sondern auch die deutsche. Deshalb nimmt Fuchsperger für seine Beispiele keine logischen Variablen ("Alle A sind B"), sondern nimmt seine Beispiele aus dem alltäglichen Leben, wie z.B. dem sonntäglichen Gespräch der Bauern auf dem Marktplatz und führt dieses dann auf die ihm zugrunde liegende logische From zurück: Jeder, egal in welcher Sprache, egal ob schulisch gebildet oder nicht, bedient sich der logischen Regeln. Eben dies gilt auch für die Rhetorik, wie sie Melanchthon bestimmt: als eine deskriptive Kunst sind ihre Regeln aus dem natürlichen Sprachgebrauch abgeleitet. Sie ist keine esoterische Kunst einiger weniger "Redner" im Sinne des ciceronischen Ideals, sondern das Prinzip, dessen sich jeder bedient, der einem Sachverhalt die ihm angemessene sprachliche Form gibt. In den meisten Fällen wird diese sprachliche Form nicht in der Anwendung von Stilmitteln, sondern in einer möglichst einfachen, klaren und grammatisch korrekten Sprache bestehen. Melanchthon definiert deshalb die Rhetorik nicht als Überzeugen, sondern als sachgemäßen Ausdruck, als das "gute Sprechen".
Was sich damit in der humanistischen Reform der Grammatik vorbereitete, findet in Dialektik und Rhetorik seine konsequente Weiterentwicklung : nicht nur grammatisch korrektes, sondern auch die logisch richtige und sprachlich angemessene Darstellung eines Sachverhaltes sind keineswegs auf Latein als Sprache angewiesen.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 315.
Der Ehrentitel der "Königin der Elegien", den unter den antiken Elegien seit einigen Jahrhunderten Properzens Cornelia-Elegie (IV 11) führt, soll in diesem Beitrag auch für eine Elegie der Neuzeit in Anspruch genommen werden: für die von dem Tübinger Indologen Hermann Weller (1878-1956), dem nach Gestalt und - wie zu zeigen sein wird - Gehalt seiner Werke wohl bedeutendsten lateinischen Dichter seiner Zeit in Deutschland, verfasste Elegie, die den Buchstaben "Y" als Überschrift trägt (Drucke: 1 Amsterdam 1938; 2 Tübingen 1946). Anhand einiger Befunde zur Entstehungs- und Wirkungs- (bzw. Nicht-Wirkungs-)Geschichte der Elegie, vor allem aber anhand einer philologischen und historischen Interpretation ihres Wortlautes selbst soll sich erweisen, dass die lateinische Sprache auch - in diesem Falle: gerade - in der neuesten Zeit Trägerin aktueller Aussagen von höchster Brisanz und Relevanz ist.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 317.
If we compare grammar descriptions in Russia with those in Germany in the 16-th century, it should be noted that they are derived not from the material of national languages; Russian and German, respectively, but from the material of the Church Slavonic and Latin languages.
Dissemination of the ideas of humanism and Reformation in the south-west and west Russia (the latter was very popular because reformative ideas were connected with the struggle against the Catholic Church) could not prevent exerting influence over east Slavonic grammarians including L. Zizaniy, M. Smotitskiy. It is doubtless that they were acquainted with the Reformation movement literature, which was mostly in Latin at that time, as well as with Ph. Melanchthon's "Grammatica Latina". Grammars by Zizaniy (1596) and Smotritskiy (1619) were written under the influence of Ph. Melanchthon's Latin Grammar, which was widely used not only in Germany, but among west Russian communities.
In Melanchthon's description of the grammatical material proper with preserving the composition of grammatical definitions there is transformation of Greek-Latin canon: the attempt to find semantic bases of grammatical categories. Sources of semantic approach should be searched in philosophical views of Ph. Melanchthon, who had taken Aristotle's logic as a method of presenting grammar categories. Following Melanchthon, Zizaniy and Smotritskiy decline formal signs in distinguishing parts of speech like Rationalists of the 17-th century did.
Thus, the development of grammatical thought in Russia during the 16-th and 17-th centuries went on only by Byzantine-Hellenic canon but in contact with the west - European linguistic tradition. The influence of Melanchthon's "Grammatica Latina" on East-Slavonic grammarians favoured the development of grammar thought in Russia, which was aimed at clearing it up from medieval scholasticism, application of new methodology in describing the Church Slavonic language first, which made it possible to create grammar of the Russian and other national languages.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 355.
While many European countries had their national history told and published in Latin in the course of the 16th and 17th centuries, Norway had to wait until the early 18th century. Since 1380 Norway had been united with Denmark (a union which lasted until 1814), but in the various Latin histories of Denmark which were published in the 17th century (sponsored by the Danish government), Norwegian history had only received very limited attention. In 1682, however, the Danish king engaged a historiographer, the Icelander Tormod Torfæus, to write the history of Norway, and the result was the huge Historia rerum Norvegicarum of 1711. In spite of its dimensions, the work only covers the period up to 1387, that is the era of Norwegian independence, before the union with Denmark. It stands out not only as the first comprehensive history of Norway since Snorre in the 13th century, but also because of the author's knowledge of Old Norse literature which forms the basic source material.
The paper will deal with two interrelated themes. One is ideological how does the description of medieval Norway reflect Norway's position in the "double monarchy" Denmark-Norway around 1700? The other is rhetorical and historiographical: What kind of information is given, how is it presented, what is the underlying moral in short, which concept of national history can be detected? Briefly, it can be stated that Torfæus's history seems to be influenced by contemporary antiquarian national historiography, thus paying little respect to the classical historiographical principle of stylistic unity.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 343.
Several humanists from the German speaking lands, including such important figures as Johannes Reuchlin and Johannes Streler of Ulm, were in correspondence with the great Florentine Platonist, Ficino, and a study of them would certainly cast an interesting light both on Ficino's impact on German humanism and on the formation and dissemination of his own thought. His letters, however, to three figures-Paul of Middelburg, Martin Prenniger, and his employer, Eberhard, Count (after 1495 Duke) of Württemberg-are of more than just general or passing interest. For they bear upon a number of related themes central to this conference, in particular, the notion of a global or universal language and its status with regard to other languages in a Platonically inspired system where language itself is a "rind" (cortex) or "veil" (integumentum) or at best an allegorical envelope that enwraps rather than reveals the truth.
Significantly, Ficino's sympathetic attitude towards his own vernacular on the one hand, and his lifelong engagement with Greek on the other meant that he never privileged Latin in his own mind, even though the bulk of his scholarship and of his own theological and philosophical speculation is in the Scholastic Latin of the medieval school tradition (he tried his hand at fashionable Ciceronian ornamentation mainly in his letters). Indeed, his abiding sense that the ultimate mysteries had been unfolded in their most intelligible or accessible form in a foreign language, in Greek, furnishes us with an arresting model for mapping bilingualism in the context of a one-language supremacy (not necessarily conceived on the imperial model since Ficino did toy with the notion of translatio studii). If English is the new Latin, then the philosophical and poetic mysteries, the theologica, of any other language (potentially at least) become like Greek, and specifically Platonic, texts for all but native speakers of that language. They become, accordingly, texts that increasingly require interpretation and mediation by way of English (and one thinks of the near hegemony of English in certain areas of criticism, even for the native speakers of the language of the texts engaged by or in the criticism). The more authoritative the texts indeed, the more compelling their translation into, and their interpretation by way of, English. Ficino's letters to his three German correspondents, albeit incidentally, thus serve, I would argue, as mirrors reflecting our own contemporary engagement with a universal interpretative language, even as interpretation itself (and the accompanying epistemology) is a singularly problematic activity in the life of any Platonist. I would even hazard the argument that Latin remained for Germany, as for the rest of Europe, primarily the language of interpretation, despite the best endeavors of the humanists to inculcate a love of Latin literature; and that this remains the primary reason for its study today. Ficino's revival of Greek Platonism would certainly serve to underscore such a hermeneutical role for what was always in his mind, and despite Vergil and Lucretius, the language of a subordinate philosophical tradition.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
Kaum in einer anderen Literaturgattung hat das Neulateinische eine so dominante und innovative Wirkung gehabt wie in der Utopischen Literatur. Mindestens zehn Autoren (Stiblin, Hall, Andreae, Campanella, Bacon, Kepler, Rossi, Bidermann, Gott, Holberg) haben das von Thomas Morus 1516 gegebene Stichwort Utopia im Titel oder in der Idee einer neuen Publikation aufgegriffen. Der Vortrag möchte in die aktuelle Diskussion um diese Textgruppe rezeptionsästhetische Gesichtspunkte einbringen und wird die These vertreten, daß die "Germania latina" in einer bestimmten historischen Situation eine bedeutende Rolle bei der Entstehung und Verbreitung Utopischer Literatur gespielt hat.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
While the sixteenth century witnessed a growing trends towards the use of the vernacular in the German language area of Europe, Latin still remained the dominant language at German schools and universities into the 18th century. This paper will focus on Latin-language writings on philosophy and the arts printed in connection with that same instruction. This includes writings on metaphysics, physics, mathematical disciplines (arithmetic, geometry, astronomy/astrology, music, cosmography, geography, optics, etc.), ethics, family life (oeconomica), politics, logic, rhetoric, poetics, history, and physiognomy as well as curriculum plans pertaining to these same subject-matters.
The evolution of the individual genres of such printed writings - including textbooks, disputations, orations, and sermons - will be discussed. The component parts of writings belonging to these individual genres (and the highly diverse varieties of Latin which compose these parts) will be examined as well. Manuscript additions to these printed works - and the interplay between manuscript and printed writings on philosophy and the arts - during this period also will be accorded attention.
These printed writings have made their way into well over one hundred German libraries. These include university, school, state, provincial, ecclesiastical / theological, and private libraries. Many of these libraries consist of diverse collections that previously were independent libraries themselves. The printed writings published in connection with instruction at a given school or university are usually scattered among a smaller or larger number of libraries and/or archives. Mention will also be made of the extent to which archives, museums, and research institutes also serve as repositories for such printed works.
These genres of Latin-language writings arising from German academic institutions are extant in many non-German libraries as well. German writings on philosophy and the arts were sometimes used elsewhere in Europe for instructional purposes. Many non-German students at 16th- and 17th-century German schools and universities participated in disputations there; printed copies of those disputations frequently accompanied those students where they returned home, sometimes finding their way into libraries there. Collections of such works at North American libraries often originated from the initiative of individual researchers and/or librarians at North American universities.
By investigating the scope, component parts, evolution, and proliferation of German writings on philosophy and the arts during the 16th and 17th centuries, we can draw many contours that will help us to understand these same writings. By looking at the holdings of a large number of repositories where they are houded, we can begin to surmise which kinds and genres of such writings were more or less pervasive during specific time periods and/or at individual academic institutions differing in academic scope, religious confession, and geographical location. And the various forms of Latinity - i.e., verse, drama, and various forms of prose - contained in these published writings are worthy of study themselves. Published writings on rhetoric and poetics from this same period could be used to assist us in doing so.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 302.
My proposed paper on Canisius will be based on his correspondence with the Jesuit curia generalis in Rome and will consider the status, function and role he gave to both Latin and German in his action as a teacher, scriptor, jesuit provincial Superior, and major Catholic figure in his time period. This paper will concern your third theme "Latin and the formation of German history".
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 315.
Josef Eberle (8.9.1901 - 20.9.1986), als Iosephus Apellus Neulateiner sui generis', konnte dank seiner großen Popularität als der schwäbische Mundartdichter Sebastian Blau in Württemberg den außergewöhnlichen und neuartigen Gebrauch, der er von Latein als lebender Dichtersprache in der größten Zeitung des Landes machte, unbefangen riskieren. Er hatte am 18. September 1945 als einer der Herausgeber der Stuttgarter Zeitung selbst gefordert, nach dem "Sieg des Geistes" über die Nazibarbarei "Brücken (zu) schlagen, zurück... und zu den anderen Völkern der Welt" und damit die Wochenbeilage "Die Brücke zur Welt" konzipiert, die in den nächsten Jahrzehnten eine Fülle seiner Aufsätze, Übersetzungen und endlich die eigenen lateinischen Gedichte aufnahm: Josef Eberle fand nichts aktueller als die Antike. Im Lateinischen erkannte er Basis und geistiges Band einer neuzuordnenden Weltzivilisation. Die Sprache des "überkritisch-nüchternen Bauernvolks vom Tiber", ansprechend und funktional zugleich durch "mörtellose Fügung" und "musikalischen Fluß", schien ihm bewährtes Medium der von Griechenland ausgegangenen, aber lateinisch verbreiteten und wiederzubelebenden Kultur der libertas und humanitas. "Latinitas ist die knappste Formel für die Gesittung, die der westliche Geist, allen Rückschlägen und Rückfällen zum Trotz, seit mehr als zwei Jahrtausenden zu verwirklichen trachtet und die sich verkörpert in Freiheit, Recht und Menschenwert". Ohne philologische Pflichtübungen, mit sprachlicher und moralischer Sensibilität hatte Josef Eberle ideell und künstlerisch seinen "Lebenszugang" zum Latein gefunden. Überkritisch, nüchtern, trocken und vor allem: kurz - das entsprach übrigens auch der virtus des Schwäbischen. Der Rottenburger Katholik, nach dem Abitur in Tübingen zum Buchhändler ausgebildet, durch seine Heirat mit dem Judentum verbunden, schätzte in der alttestamentlichen Vulgata besonders die Lehrbücher. Sein (bis heute populärstes) Pseudonym "Sebastian Blau", 1933 unter dem Zwang der Zeitumstände gewählt, scheint nicht zuletzt an Sebastian Brant anzuklingen, den Autor des "Narrenschiffs", nach dem Motto "Perversi difficile corriguntur et stultorum infinitus est numerus" (Liber Eccles. I,15).
Vagantenstrophe und reimende Rhythmen der Carmina Burana prägen Apellus' erste eigene lateinische Publikationen (Horae/ 1954 und Imagines/1955) auf damals unkonventionelle Weise, er mußte sich "Wider die Verächter des Mittellatein" durchsetzen. 1964 publizierte er dann mit "Sal niger" (Titel nach Horaz) hundert metrische Epigramme, im freien Dialog mit Klassikern und Humanisten verschiedenster Zeiten, sei es Martial, Ausonius, Weckherlin oder Voltaire, fasziniert vom Anspruch der kleinen Form und dem pointierten Eigenleben der Wortbezüge. Modernismen scheute er nie, Umschreibungen störten ihm die brevitas. Unkonventionell, aber bezeichnend war auch, dass seine Gedichte "alle zuerst lateinisch entstanden und nachher deutsch paraphrasiert" wurden.
Nach Martials Rezept würzt er scharf; als Moralist und Gesellschaftsarzt ("Piper album") schlüpfte er in die Rolle eines lateinischen Timon von Athen oder des Menschensuchers Diogenes. Bei aller Volkstümlichkeit ging er so zur Masse der Zeitgenossen auf Distanz, zeigte aber, gar nicht eskapistisch, gerade mit dem schwierigen Latein "den Kletterpfad in die Lebenswelt der genialen Einzelen" (Fr. Weigend). Wie bei Horaz, dessen ‚ridentem dicere verum' er pessimistisch abwandelt, ist Eberles Werk kaum ablösbar von der Biographie. Wie Erich Kästner war Eberle Moralist ausdrücklich in der Nachfolge des Martial, den er den "größten Epigrammatiker aller Zeiten" nennt; zur Gattung gehörte es ja schon, innerlich unabhängig vom Massenpublikum zu bleiben. Das Plinianische Motto "nulla dies sine linea" galt übrigens für den fleißigen Journalisten wie für den Dichter Apellus.
In guter Verbindung stand Eberle seit 1955 mit Tübinger Philologen, neben Hermann Weller vor allem mit den Professoren Hommel und Schadewaldt, die ihn beide durch den ausdrücklichen und schriftlich niedergelegten Vergleich mit Ennius ehrten, der in drei Sprachen zuhause war. Freundschaftliche Kritik übte der professionelle Dichterkollege Harry C. Schnur / Nurus, auch er dem musischen Tübinger Seminar verbunden, wo Iosephus Apellus am 22. 6. 1962 zum Poeta Laureatus gekrönt wurde. Schnur wie Schadewaldt hatten 1961 zu Eberles' Anthologie "Viva Camena" kontribuiert, die weltweit 50 neulateinische Dichter aktivierte und eine programmatische lateinische Einleitung Eberles enthielt.
Das Rollenspiel des Apellus poeta erweitert sich in den "Amores" und in "Echo perennis" um den vergnügten ovidischen lusor amorum und Naso magister; doch bleiben immer ernste Perspektiven. In einer Elegie gestaltet Apellus die Erinnerung an Masada. Im Lehrgedicht der heiteren Ars fumatoria wird eine Meerschaum-Pfeife, kühn pipa latinisiert, detailliert beschrieben. Auf einem Foto von 1909 hält der Bub Josef Eberle bei der Rottenburger Fasnacht ebendiese Pfeife, Erbstück des früh verstorbenen Vaters, in der Hand. Lust am "Gegensinn" und Widerspruch läßt Timon, Diogenes mit der Laterne und zuletzt den weisen Chinesen Wang treffende "Stachelgedichte" an die Zeitungsleser richten. Entgegen aller Skepsis, lateinisch oder deutsch geäußert - "Ovid, an das Schwarze Meer verbannt/ als Fremdling unter Barbaren,/ könnt heut' die Reise sich sparen / er fände dergleichen hierzuland/ vor seiner Haustür in Scharen" - fand Eberle immer Leser. Die letzte Buchpublikation "Auf der Schiffschaukel", Satiren und Epigramme deutsch (Schneekluth München 1985) gestattet die letzte unverhohlene Begegnung mit einem Inbild des alten Sebastian Blau, dem "Patriarchen von Pontresina": Auf dem Umschlag sieht man einen merkwürdig deutlich als Hebräer karikierten goethezeitlichen Patriarch à la Duttenhofer im lila Gehrock. Als zeitlos-unzeitgemäßer Blau verabschiedet sich Eberle, er bleibt Voltaire, dem "Patriarchen von Derney", dem giftigen Timon und Diogenes, dem Hund, verbunden. Eines der letzten Stuttgarter Fotos zeigt den achtzigjährigen Eberle beim Signieren eben dieser Bände.
Josef Eberle (1901-1986), latinized Iosephus Apellus, met the famous elder "poeta latinus Tubingensis" Professor Hermann Weller (1878-1956) during his own beginnings at Heckenhauers booksellers-shop at Tübingen - he dedicated him one of his first latin "rhythmi". Many years later, when he was already the important founder and editor of the Stuttgarter Zeitung and Doctor and Senator h.c. of the Tübingen University, and, nevertheless, poete laureate of the Department of Classics (1962), he met at Tübingen also the almost contemporary latin poet Professor Harry C. Schnur (1907 - 1979). But Eberle had made up his own career as a latin poet in a very different way - compared to these poetae latini.
Long before he had insinuated his pseudonym "Sebastian Blau"as a very popular Suebian dialect poet into the hearts of all Suebian citizens - till now they enjoy the genuine Rottenburger idiom and wit of his suebian poetry. Originally, just at the beginning of the Worldwar II, Eberle had escaped Nazi persecution concealing his identity. After the war he continued writing and publishing his famous Suebian verse under this pseudonym. The music of spoken language then guided him spontaneously - as a catholic of Rottenburg and lover of medieval hymns - to latin sound and poetry. He translated very successfully essential parts of the Carmina Burana. 1955-59 the first small books of Rhythmi latini (Horae, Imagines, Laudes) appeared under his true name. Then he had a try at metric versification with Sal niger (1964). He imagined a new old Europe based on humanism and classical tradition. As early as 1961 he had realized the anthology "Viva Camena", to which contributed 50 neolatin poets of 17 countries. Many epigrams of his own he had printed first in his daily newspaper, with own translations and under varying pseudonyms such as "Timon of Athens" and "Diogenes with the lantern". Eberle as a latin poet - he translated his own verse after composing them in latin - succeeded in taking distance to every man's behaviour and odd trends of the mass, retaining however his widespread popularity. So he could frankly reproduce knowledge of human nature gained during the years of war, as an ancient moralist or satirist like Martial, and confronted the readers of the Stuttgarter Zeitung often with sarcastic latin aphorisms.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 317.
Among the Latin poets in Denmark in the 16th century no one was more successful than Erasmus Laetus. With his poems he attracted the attention of king Frederik II so that he not only made his way into the nobility, but was also awarded great economic support. He studied with Melanchthon in Wittenberg, and the great præceptor wrote the preface for one of Laetus' first books, his Bucolica, Wittenberg 1560. During the years 1572-4 he travelled to Germany, Switzerland and Italy as an informal cultural ambassador, and he had an impressive amount of poetry published in Basel and Frankfurt am Main. He considered himself the Danish Virgil, and still in the 17th century he was accepted as such.
His collection of Colloquia Moralia, Basel 1573, was composed in Denmark before his departure. It is dedicated to Duke Charles of Lorraine, and as far as we know, Laetus handed a volume over to him personally. In literary form the poems are unusual, consisting of dialogues between various plants, animals etc. They are highly formalised, always featuring only two speakers, and having the two of them discuss matters of culture, history or politics. In his preface Laetus compares the poems with fables; but they are also in some respects similar to pastorals and in others to laudationes urbium.
The collection is divided into four books, each containing seven poems. The very last colloquium has a key function, treating themes that are recurrent in Laetus' poetry and, I shall argue, central to the overall national discourse of the time. Two rivers are speaking to each other, the Tiber and a small river of Jutland, Gudenåen, and they discuss how greatness is established. In their geographical position the two of them are very similar, Italy and Jutland being peninsulas of the European continent symmetrically arranged towards South and North, with the Tiber facing West and Gudenåen East. But in fame no two rivers could differ more from each other. The Tiber has the great good fortune to run through Rome and thus to have been praised by the greatest poets of the world, whereas nobody has taken the trouble to compose poetry of Gudenåen. However, a change may be coming: perhaps the near future will see a poet undertake this task, and the equality between the two rivers which has until now remained a possibility, will be realised. Thus the poem proceeds from symmetry in geography to one in time, in which the great past of Rome is balanced by the great future of Denmark. You might consider this Laetus' version of the idea of translatio studii et imperii.
In his eagerness to tell an international public that everything Danish is just as important as what classical Rome brought forth, Laetus shares his message with other Danish authors of the time, and it is my impression that this is part of a general discourse in the regions of Europe that felt themselves peripheral to cultural centres elsewhere. Nationalism is an important topic in this kind of poetry. In recent times it has become a widespread opinion that nationalism is closely linked with the vernaculars, and that it came up only with the Romantic movement. This seems to me to be heavily contradicted by texts such as Laetus' poem: for Danes in the 16th century, Latin was the preferred medium for promoting national messages.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 355.
The Age of Reason and Enlightenment caused a strong re-assessment of the necessities of university teaching and research in the realm of Sweden, too. The years around 1750 saw an intensive debate on university curricula and the position of the Classics in academic circles. The Academia Aboensis, situated in the Grand Duchy of Finland, also participated in these battles. This paper will explore the arguments brought forward in different contexts, both institutional and scholarly, while placing the whole in the framework of European cultural history.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 343.
Raum / Location: beim Tagungsbüro (at the Conference Office) .
The few modern readers of the Historia sacrae Latinitatis (published at Munich in 1638; reprinted at Prague in 1741) have drawn attention to this treatise merely on account of the admittedly quite baffling theory, that the gods supposedly spoke Latin in heaven. For this reason, the author of this work, the German Jesuit Melchior Inchofer, has been invariably chastized for his naiveté and narrow-mindedness. To date, the treatise has never been interpreted in the context of its own time. Nevertheless, Inchofer picks up many earlier ideas and arguments surrounding the discussion on the importance of the Latin language, and thus places himself in a tradition that can be traced back to the beginning of the Renaissance (with a few precursors even in the Middle Ages). In his staunch defense of Latin as the predestined linguistic medium of the Roman Church, Inchofer of course develops a number of theses that can hardly be taken seriously from a modern viewpoint. In this paper, however, I would like to analyze the Historia sacrae Latinitatis as a contribution to the debate about the Latin language, that bears the stamp of the Counter Reformation. Similar attempts to underscore the value of Latin by pointing to its eminent role in transmitting the legacy of Christendom had been made before, notably by the Roman priest and professor of rhetoric at the Sapienza, Pompeo Ugonio (De lingua Latina, 1586). From this perspective, then, Inchofer's treatise is not an isolated curiosum, but reveals some central thoughts and concepts about Latin that are typical of the exacting intellectual climate of that era.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
Obwohl bereits Meister Eckhart philosophische und theologische Fragestellungen vor Zuhoerern diskutiert, die kein Latein verstehen, und für die er deshalb eine deutsche Terminologie schaffen muss, bleibt die Wissenschaftssprache in Europa noch über lange Zeit auf das Lateinische beschränkt. Universitaetslehrer wie der Leydener Cartesianer A. Heereboord kritisieren beispielsweise noch in den 40er Jahren des 17. Jahrhunderts die aristotelischen Traditionen dafür, dass sie die Auseinandersetzung mit griechischen Texten erforderlich machten, was dem lateinorientierten zeitgenoessischen Wissenschaftsbetrieb unangemessen sei. Noch bevor der Leibnizianer Christian Wolff (1679-1754) eine vollständige deutsche Philosophie vorlegt, in der die gesamte Bandbreite der bislang lateinischen Diskussionen in deutscher Terminologie auftritt, ergänzt der deutsche Cartesianer Johannes Clauberg (1622-1665) seine philosophischen Lehrtexte mit deutschen Übersetzungen seiner philosophischen Haupttermini in Klammer hinter dem ursprünglichen lateinischen Wort.
Der Beitrag möchte zeigen, in welchem Masse diese Hinzufügungen deutscher Pendants lateinischer Begriffe philosophische Relevanz besitzen, und auf welche Weise sie in die unterschiedlichen Rezeptionslinien eingebettet sind, die zu Claubergs eigenen philosophischen Positionen führen.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 302.
Most of the papers proposed for this conference will be about texts contained in books. We can learn many things from studying books. And we can learn a lot from studying really many books:
I'll try to give some answers to these questions using data for some 6000 books printed at Ingolstadt, the major Bavarian university of the 15th to 18th centuries plus some data for publications by Ingolstadt university teachers published in other places. Ingolstadt is a good place to select for such a case-study: Ingolstadt was not only one of the major universities in the Sacrum imperium, it was also a not unimportant publishing place - and Ingolstadt prints are well documented in various library catalogues and a good part of them is present for inspection in the major Munich collections. And the case of Ingolstadt offers some "specialities" due to heavy influence by the Bavarian dukes and electors and due to the Jesuit take-over of the university.
Please note:This talk might be given in German (as "Autoren, Themen, Drucker, Bücher: Latein und Deutsch in Ingolstädter Veröffentlichungen des 15. mit 18. Jahrhunderts")
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 315.
On one hand, during the lecture, arguments will be presented why it still is important in the 20-th and 21-st century to use the Latin language orally and in written form. This has not only scholarly-didactical reasons, but is also seen in the broader cultural and communicative frame as well as in the European and international context. Furthermore, it will be explained, that the usage of the Latin language is possible in all areas of daily life and in the scientific discussion. This will be illustrated with examples. - It will be of fundamental importance to demonstrate and to explain how the active usage of the Latin language can be learned; what must be observed when speaking and communicating orally; on which basis todays' usage of Latin ranges; that speaking Latin, on no account, means to produce Latin changes for the worse or dog-Latin. Examples will point out how to precisely express oneself in modern context by using elements of ancient language without using inconceivable paraphrases. It also has to be considered that various situations claim different manners of speech. It will be explained, upon which scientific researches this knowledge is based. Shortly the question of correct Latin pronunciation will be touched. - A further aspect which necessarily must be explained is the writing and composing of Latin texts. It shall be demonstrated that there are differences between Latin speaking and Latin writing and on what these differences are based. It will be explained what mainly has to be considered linguistically in text writing and what absolutely has to be avoided. Altogether, it will be obvious that an oral and written communication in Latin is not only possible and necessary but is not more difficult than the usage of other (more modern) foreign languages.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 317.
Il primato della città sulla campagna caratterizza sotto vari aspetti la cultura umanistica, sia per quanto riguarda l'elogio della città come simbolo di una nuova forma di progresso sociale riconducibile all'esempio romano e alla mediazione italiana, sia per quanto riguarda l'innovazione architettonica alla quale la rinnovata lingua latina offriva lo strumento per la trattatistica dell'edificazione civile. La città come residenza e centro politico ed economico e la città come centro monumentale impegnano dunque la retorica, la storiografia e l'arte, nonché la geografia e l'antiquaria. L'interesse per le città antiche quali antesignane e modelli delle città moderne, e la formazione e collocazione di queste ultime costituisce nell'umanesimo italiano un momento fondamentale della presa di coscienza della nuova cultura e del rapporto fra il moderno e l'antico. È possibile riscontrare un'analogia o definire una diversità fra l'esperienza italiana e l'esperienza germanica? È possibile, al di là di alcuni casi evidenti d'imitazione e di influsso, come nel caso di Biondo Flavio, individuare un'autonoma ricerca condotta con gli strumenti della latinità, per affermare anche in Germania il primato cittadino? Va ripercorso almeno il caso di Conrad Celtis e recuperata la letteratura riguardante l'elogio della città sullo sfondo del rinnovato rapporto fra geografia e storia, anche all'interno del genere più ampio della storiografia, mentre si avverte l'opportunità di vedere quanto abbia giocato nella latinità germanica il mito nella ricerca delle origini cittadine, che nell'umanesimo italiano ha una considerevole importanza nell'opera di nobilitazione e di rafforzamento della stessa immagine politica e moderna dei centri cittadini.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 355.
Raum / Location: Haxnbauer am Platzl: Tenne
An expatriate to France, the Paduan physician J.C. Scaliger (1484-1558) developped there in Latin an encyclopaedical project. Throughout diverse sizeable works, he gave expression to his claim of applying Aristotelian rigour both to the Latin language and literature (De causis linguae latinae, 1540 ; Poetices libri septem, 1561) and to philosophy and natural science (De subtilitate ad Cardanum, 1557). Since 1990, L. Deitz and K. Jensen have reported that these works continued to be read and appreciated in various ways after his time, even well into the 17th century. My purpose is to carry on with the study of Scaliger's Nachleben in Germany, especially for what regards his ideas about Latin. They mark actually a significant step on the way which leads from the "questione della lingua" inherited from the XVth century to the development, in the XVIth and XVIIth centuries, of linguistic comparativism and speculation on "universal language"
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 302.
Born in Leipzig and living in Hamburg during his entire adult life, Johann Albert Fabricius (1668-1736) became a key figure in the intellectual Europe of the Early Enlightenment. As a pioneer in the field of classical literary history, he established a new foundation for the study of Greek and Latin literature in antiquity and the Middle Ages in his Bibliotheca Latina, Bibliotheca Graeca, and Bibliotheca Latina Mediæ & Infimæ Ætatis.
Fabricius used Latin as his scholarly language, but also had a keen interest in his native language German. He was the co-founder of the Teutsch-übende Gesellschaft in Hamburg, and later contributed to the widely read weekly Der Patriot; he translated English texts into German, and composed poems in German as well as in Latin.
In this paper I will briefly analyse Fabricius' contributions to the literary culture of his age, with special attention to his uses of Latin and German, to the common European and particular German background of his literary activities, and to his role in the Republic of Letters.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
While Latin was in frequent use during the 17th and 18th century, the function of the language in Germany was not the same at the end of this period as it had been at its beginning. In general there was a tendency to replace the aesthetic approach to Latin (which nevertheless had its foundation in Ciceronian language) by a more scholarly and classicist line. Apart from this it became more and more necessary to print Latin dictionaries and phrasebooks not only for schoolboys, but also for scholars who had not learned enough Latin. The Latin dictionaries of the 17th and 18th century, from the later editions of the famous "Calepinus" to e.g. Franciscus Pomay's "Cornucopiae" (Augsburg 1795) reflect this development in various ways: by changes in the frequency of printing, by the increasing weight of the German language in the dictionaries themselves, the prefaces, etc. The aim of this article is to give a survey of the extant dictionaries and phrasebooks from this period and to describe certain tendencies of their development. The main question is what we can learn from these books about the actual use and knowledge of the Latin language in their time. An overview of two centuries can only give a rough sketch of the problem, but such a general survey may be helpful as a starting-point for more specialised research.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 302.
Noch keine Zusammenfassung verfügbar (no abstract available yet)
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 315.
Vom Frust zur Lust. Latein im gebildeten Europa des 21. Jahrhunderts Da hat man sein Abi, kommt frisch und voller Elan an die Universität und möchte sofort, schnell, engagiert und erfolgreich studieren - etwa Geschichte oder Englisch, Philosophie oder Germanistik. Und da ist sie schon, die schockierende und schreckenerregende Studienbremse: Sie heißt "Latinum", kostet viel Zeit und Nerven, ja sogar oftmals Motivation. Es ist, wie wenn das Kabrio schon vor dem Haus steht, aber der Fahrerlaubnis dazu fehlt. Für viele Studierende ist dies die Geburtsstunde eines akademischen Frustes zu Beginn des Studiums. Und je länger der Erwerb des Latinum sich hinausschiebt, desto größer wird dieser Frust. Doch woher kommt er und wer hat ihn zu verantworten? Diese Fragen sollen zunächst behandelt werden. Darauf aufbauend soll der Versuch unternommen werden, den steinigen und entsagungsvollen Weg zum Latinum zu einer reizvollen Spritztour umzugestalten: "Vom Frust zur Lust". Doch wie soll das gehen? Der Vortrag will versuchen, Ursachen für und Mittel gegen den Latein-Frust in Schule und Universität aufzuzeigen.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 317.
A partire dal Concilio di Costanza, e per tutto il XV secolo, i viaggi dei cardinali legati in Germania hanno avuto come risultato concreto quello di trasferire in curia, a Roma, libri e uomini, chierici che divenivano notai, copisti, familiares. Il rapporto tra l'umanesimo romano e la cultura tedesca sembra infatti scandito esclusivamente da una mediazione tutta curiale ed ecclesiastica. Ampia testiminonianza è del resto fornita se si prendono in esame i libri delle biblioteche da un lato del cardinale Niccolò Cusano e dall'altro del cardinale Bessarione, l'uno germanus di nascita e l'altro legatus in partibus Germaniae in nome di Pio II. Dalla Germania arrivano i nuovi testi e gli antichi codici; dalla Germania arrivano i più laboriosi copisti, dalla Germania quegli impressores che introducono la nova ars. Ma alla fine del secolo molti testi stampati a Roma, in particolare orazioni al pontefice, bolle e formulari, saranno ristampati in area tedesca, dando inizio a quella inversione di tendenza che porterà, per ragioni religiose e culturali, alle ristampe nelle città tedesche dei testi più rilevanti della letteratura latina umanistica.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 355.
Scandinavia latina und Germania latina
Diskussion zu Fragen wie:
A discussion of questions like the following ones:
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 343.
Raum / Location: beim Tagungsbüro (at the Conference Office) .
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
Raum / Location: Hörsaal (lecture room) 201.
[Leitseite/Homepage Germania latina] / [Leitseite/Homepage GGREN]
Verantwortlich/Responsible: Dr. Heinrich C. Kuhn & Prof. Dr. Eckhard Keßer
Dokument erstellt / Document created: 2000-10-24
Letzte Aktualisierung / Last update: 2001-08-30
